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No images? Click here Welcome to The Corner. In this issue, we introduce our white paper on The Role of Monopoly in America’s Prescription Drug Crisis. We also introduce our white paper on The Role of Hospitals in America’s Health Care Crisis. To read previous editions of The Corner, click here. White Paper: The Role of Monopoly in America’s Prescription Drug Crisis Bipartisan reform efforts to combat high drug prices often fail to recognize how pharmaceutical corporations suppress fair market competition through various forms of monopoly. In a newly published white paper by the Open Markets Institute, The Role of Monopoly in America’s Prescription Drug Crisis, we detail how increasing corporate concentration in the pharmaceutical industry, and the monopoly markets for individual drugs created by a deeply flawed and increasingly abused patent and regulatory system, are the root causes of the problem. Drug manufacturers engage in a variety of anti-competitive practices, such as abusing the patent system, various FDA regulations, filing sham citizen petitions with the FDA, and tactics to eliminate competition. These practices are used to extend and protect monopolies and to stifle competition—and they wind up needlessly costing consumers millions of dollars each year. These practices ultimately drive up drug prices, decrease innovation, and cause shortages and disruptions of the supply of many key drugs. They also imperil drug safety. Brand drug manufacturers also stifle competition and gain monopoly profits by offering substantial rebates or discounts to large-scale buyers—but only if the purchasers refuse to buy a competing generic drug that might erode the brand drug’s market dominance. Many of these problems can be solved or ameliorated through better competition policy, which can involve the application and enforcement of our antitrust laws. Other policy solutions include the forced licensing of patents, cash prizes for innovation, or price regulation, among other recommendations. In each instance, we are looking for public policies that will reset the terms of competition and the balances of power in drug markets so that they serve the public good. Read our entire report here. White Paper: The Role of Hospitals in America’s Health Care Crisis Last week, the Open Markets Institute released a white paper titled The Role of Hospitals in America’s Health Care Crisis. Our paper explains how market concentration in the hospital industry results in higher prices for medical services, the weaknesses of our current polices to roll back harmful mergers, and the paper presents several policy options for remedying these issues. Policy Director Phillip Longman explained that "hospital consolidation can lead in some instances to economies of scale and better-integrated care. Yet in the absence of coherent policies for managing competition, the real-world results of corporate concentration in health care have been hospital closures, increased prices, and loss of choice for health care consumers." Ultimately, we argue that hospital consolidation should be a standard part of health policy discussion, particularly if proposals to move to a single-payer system gain steam. Read the full report here. 🔊 ANTI-MONOPOLY RISING:Athena, a grassroots alliance of more than 40 organizations united in opposition to Amazon’s growing monopoly power, was launched late last month. Co-founded by the Open Markets Institute and others, the launch of Athena is a watershed moment in the larger anti-monopoly movement of our time. This diverse coalition of workers, consumers, small-business people and advocates stand united in the fight for a just economy and a fair democracy in the shadow of Amazon’s immense influence. In the words of our larger coalition: “We are joining together to stop Amazon’s growing, powerful grip over our society and economy. We’re going to write new rules so that our economy puts people first, our public officials ensure that no corporation is above the law or too big to govern — and that our democracy, finally, represents all of us.”
Open Markets Employment Opportunities The Open Markets Institute is hiring for two positions: a Director of the Center for Liberty and Journalism and a Director of Entrepreneurship and Independent Business. Open Markets is looking for a Director of the Center for Liberty and Journalism who will help ensure that the news media is fully independent and funded in the 21st century’s digital economy. The Center will conduct cutting-edge research into news media market structures, engage with policymakers and support efforts to design smart policy solutions, and reshapethe national narrative around the market structures that threaten the independence and financial stability of America’s news media. Open Markets is also looking for a Director of Entrepreneurship and Independent Business who will help develop Open Markets’ effort to educate the public and other stakeholders on the importance of competition policy to entrepreneurship and strong independent businesses. This Director would track and work on policy developments, educate policymakers and reporters, and organize public or private action. You can find the full job listings here. 📝 WHAT WE'VE BEEN UP TO:
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📈 VITAL STAT:3,800The number of bank mergers since 2011 that the Federal Reserve has not challenged, according to a memorandum issued by the House Financial Services Committee. 📚 WHAT WE'RE READING:
Open Markets Fellow Matt Stoller’s new book, Goliath, reveals how we once defeated monopolies and authoritarianism but then allowed these forces to return and deliver us our current chaotic political moment. Learn how our forebears reclaimed our democracy, so that we might as well. Available in bookstores. Order online here. 🔎 TIPS? COMMENTS? SUGGESTIONS? We would love to hear from you—just reply to this e-mail and drop us a line. Give us your feedback, alert us to competition policy news, or let us know your favorite story from this issue.
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Written by: Barry Lynn, Phil Longman, and Michael Bluhm Edited by: Barry Lynn, Phil Longman, Daniel A. Hanley, Krista Brown, Udit Thakur, and Michael Bluhm. Image credit: peterschreiber.media via iStock
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Did someone forward you this newsletter? Photo courtesy of iStock by Getty Images Booker Bill Would Phase Out Factory Farms and Revive the Packers and Stockyards Act
Presidential candidate Sen. Cory Booker introduced a bill on Monday to radically reform an animal agriculture system that currently puts independent producers, rural communities, and consumers at risk. The Farm System Reform Act would halt construction of new concentrated animal feeding operations (CAFOs) and phase out all large CAFOs by 2040, while also holding corporate meatpackers more accountable for environmental degradation and farmer exploitation. “Our independent family farmers and ranchers are continuing to be squeezed by large, multinational corporations that, because of their buying power and size, run roughshod over the marketplace,” said Booker in a press release. “We need to fix the broken system – that means protecting family farmers and ranchers and holding corporate integrators responsible for the harm they are causing.” While the vast majority of meat in the U.S. today comes from large-scale animal farms, this wasn’t always the case. Antitrust enforcement during the past four decades enabled meatpackers to corner livestock markets, while broader agricultural policies both directly and indirectly subsidized critical operation costs for industrial livestock operations, namely feed and manure management. Shifts to highly consolidated and contract agriculture drove 70 percent of hog farms out of business between 1992 and 2007 and doubled the number of dairy cows on factory farms between 1997 and 2012, among other changes. These large farms introduce high concentrations of manure that pollute ground and surface water, diminish air quality, and release greenhouse gases. Many rural communities have organized to oppose new CAFO construction, and nearly two-thirds of Iowa voters support greater oversight of industrial animal agriculture, according to a new national poll by the Johns Hopkins Center for a Livable Future. About 43 percent of respondents support a ban on new CAFOs. Booker’s Farm System Reform Act of 2019 would end large-scale animal agriculture as we know it, placing a moratorium on new or expanded CAFOs and phasing out all large CAFOs by 2040 (defined in the bill as farms with more than 700 dairy cattle, 2,500 hogs, or 82,000 laying hens). Any such farm that exists after January 2040 would pay up to $10,000 per day in fines. The bill dedicates $10 billion over 10 years to cancel CAFO operators’ debts and help them transition to “alternative agriculture activities,” such as pasture-based livestock production. It would also hold both CAFOs and corporate meatpackers more liable for violating environmental regulations. In addition to banning CAFOs, the bill revises the Packers and Stockyards Act to check anticompetitive and predatory tactics meatpackers use to intimidate producers and to hold down prices for livestock. This includes eliminating the tournament payment system in poultry farming, which gives opaque bonuses to some producers at the expense of others. The bill requires packers to justify and explain how they calculate farmers’ pay, and it bans packers from retaliating, terminating contracts without basis, or presenting misleading information about growing contracts. It also allows plaintiffs to pursue a Packers and Stockyards violation without the burden of proving that an action by a meatpacker caused harm to industry-wide competition. Finally, it aims to revive key price-discovery or spot markets by ensuring there’s a “reasonable competitive bidding opportunity” in cash market auctions and forward contracts. This reform could address concerns raised by cattle ranchers, who claim large meatpackers rig these spot markets to depress the price of cattle at auction and in contracts. Beyond the Packers and Stockyards Act, the bill would also reinstate mandatory country-of-origin labeling on beef and pork, and the bill adds similar labeling requirements for dairy products. A bipartisan, rancher-led campaign has recently lobbied the president on this issue, arguing that ranchers face threats from imported beef and that consumers who want to buy domestically do not have the transparency to do so. "I have seen firsthand how hard it is to challenge the multinational corporations who control the meat industry,” said Kansas rancher Mike Callicrate in Booker’s press release. “Things like country of origin labeling on meat, updates to the Packers and Stockyards Act, and resources to get folks out of a system that is bankrupting them will make a big difference." The bill has little chance of passing a Republican-controlled Senate, but its proposals could influence policy debates leading up to the Iowa caucuses in February. Candidates Julian Castro, Sen. Bernie Sanders, and Sen. Elizabeth Warren all support a factory farm moratorium, and Sanders has set aside $41 billion to transition large CAFOs to “ecologically regenerative practices” in his Green New Deal. Many other candidates have lined up behind reforming the Packers and Stockyards Act and increasing antitrust enforcement in the agricultural sector. Find and share this story originally published on Food & Power What We're Reading
About the Open Markets InstituteThe Open Markets Institute promotes political, industrial, economic, and environmental resilience. We do so by documenting and clarifying the dangers of extreme consolidation, and by fostering discussions of ways to reestablish America’s political economy on a more stable and fair foundation. Follow F&P on Twitter | Subscribe to this Newsletter | F&P Website | Contact Us Written by Claire Kelloway
Edited by Phil Longman and Michael Bluhm Open Markets Institute 1440 G Street NW Washington D.C., 20010
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No images? Click here Welcome to The Corner. In this issue, we discuss FTC. v. Impax Laboratories and our latest amicus brief that we submitted in support of the FTC. We hope that all our readers have a happy and safe holiday. The Corner will return on January 9. To read previous editions of The Corner, click here. Amicus Brief: FTC v. Impax Laboratories Open Markets Institute filed an amicus brief on Monday in support of the Federal Trade Commission in its case against Impax Laboratories. In the case, the commission unanimously held that Impax engaged in an illegal pay-for-delay agreement, in which Endo Pharmaceuticals paid Impax to abandon its patent challenge and delay market entry of its generic version of the drug Opana ER for 2 1/2 years. In our brief, we argue that pay-for-delay agreements are a form of per se illegal, horizontal market allocation agreements that seek to prohibit market entry and thus harm market competition. In market allocation agreements, rivals agree not to compete in the same product line, geographic area, or for the same set of customers. Pay-for-delay agreements have the same effect. Thus, similar to the Supreme Court’s 80-year-old holding that market allocation agreements are per se illegal, pay for delay agreements should be per se illegal. Our brief also argues that the anti-competitive effects of pay-for-delay agreements outweigh any marginal competitive benefit that they may have. One harmful effect includes prolonging a drug patent monopoly, which deprives consumers of a competing drug that could lower prices for consumers, as a 2010 FTC reportdescribed. Other harms, such as corporations allocating competition or depriving the drug market of a lower-cost competitor, provide more justification why pay-for-delay agreements should be illegal. Importantly, we argue that the pay-for-delay agreement detailed in this case should be illegal, even under a comprehensive rule-of-reason analysis. In its holding, the FTC found, citing the Supreme Court’s Actavisdecision, that the agreement between Impax and Endo “provide[s] strong evidence that the patentee seeks to induce the generic challenger to abandon its claim.” The commission further elaborated that a pay-for-delay scheme “would be an irrational act unless the patentee believed that generic production would cut into its profits.” However, the Supreme Court has not ruled that all pay-for-delay agreements illegal. Nevertheless, the commission found that Endo’s market power and the risk of eliminated competition from the agreement were sufficient for Impax to incur liability, too. The commission justified its holding based on having “ample evidence” of a “real threat” to competition. The commission’s opinion noted that “the relevant anti-competitive harm [with pay-for-delay agreements] occurs when the branded manufacturer and its generic competitor replace the possibility of competition with the certainty of none.” We strongly urge the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals to uphold the FTC’s findings, so as to increase competition and to provide the public with cheaper prescription drugs. You can read our full brief here. 🔊 ANTI-MONOPOLY RISING:
Open Markets Employment Opportunities Open Markets is looking for a Director of the Center for Liberty and Journalism who will help ensure that the news media is fully independent and funded in the 21st century’s digital economy. The Center will conduct cutting-edge research into news media market structures, engage with policymakers and support efforts to design smart policy solutions, and reshape the national narrative around the market structures that threaten the independence and financial stability of America’s news media. You can find the full job listings here. 📝 WHAT WE'VE BEEN UP TO:
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📈 VITAL STAT:1,992The total number of reported merger transactions in 2017 – a 12% increase over last year and the highest number of reported transactions in the past 10 years. 📚 WHAT WE'RE READING:
Open Markets Fellow Matt Stoller’s new book, Goliath, reveals how we once defeated monopolies and authoritarianism but then allowed these forces to return and deliver us our current chaotic political moment. Learn how our forebears reclaimed our democracy, so that we might as well. Available in bookstores. Order online here. 🔎 TIPS? COMMENTS? SUGGESTIONS? We would love to hear from you—just reply to this e-mail and drop us a line. Give us your feedback, alert us to competition policy news, or let us know your favorite story from this issue.
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Written by: Barry Lynn, Phil Longman, and Daniel Hanley Edited by: Barry Lynn, Phil Longman, Daniel A. Hanley, Krista Brown, Udit Thakur, and Michael Bluhm. Image credit: ayo888 via iStock
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On Monday, the USDA thwarted a decade of efforts to help farmers seek justice for discrimination, retaliation, and unfair treatment by meatpackers.
Did someone forward you this newsletter? Photo courtesy of iStock by Getty Images Trump’s USDA Sides With Corporate Meatpackers Over Farmers, in Latest GIPSA Proposal On Monday, the USDA thwarted a decade of efforts to help farmers seek justice for discrimination, retaliation, and unfair treatment by meatpackers. Trump’s USDA introduced new criteria to determine whether a meatpacker violated the Packers and Stockyards Act, after withdrawing an Obama-era proposal two years ago. This latest proposal omits several critical farmer protections from the previous rule and introduces new language that could codify abusive industry practices. “This rule does not go far enough to safeguard farmers from unfair treatment, nor does it address many of the other difficulties farmers have been suffering at the hands of powerful corporations,” said Roger Johnson, president of the National Farmers Union. Contract growing models and market consolidation give meatpackers inordinate power to squeeze farmers and determine their success. Farmers face retaliation by packers, such as canceling growing contracts, for organizing or speaking out about poor treatment. “Corporate bullying, intimidation, and a mafia-like mentality has taken control over this industry,” said former poultry farmer Anthony Grigsby at a news conference earlier this year. Grigsby says he lost his farm when his poultry company withheld chicken feed after he raised concerns about receiving sick chickens or incorrect feed. The Packers and Stockyards Act outlawed this type of mistreatment by meatpackers and established fair terms of trade for farmers. But during the past four decades, poor court rulings have gutted farmers’ ability to bring cases under the act, even though meatpacking is more consolidated today than it was when the law was passed. Most critically, courts have claimed that a packer’s action against an individual farmer can only violate the law if the action causes “competitive harm” to the entire industry. In response to this precedent and other troubling legal ambiguities, Congress mandated in 2008 that the USDA clarify aspects of the Packers and Stockyards Act, launching a legal battle that continues to this day. After a series of hearings where farmers shared stories of mistreatment by meatpackers, often at great risk of retaliation, the Obama administration proposed in 2010 a slate of promising reforms to the Packers and Stockyards Act that were subsequently blocked, watered down, and posted in the final days of the administration. The Trump administration promptly withdrew these rules and dissolved the independent Grain Inspection Packers and Stockyards Administration that oversaw them, relegating its duties to the Agricultural Marketing Services. The Trump administration finally released on Monday new rules to fulfill the 2008 congressional mandate, but they raise major concerns for farmer advocates. “It’s at best a bare minimum,” says policy advisor for the Organization for Competitive Markets, Joe Maxwell. At worst, new vague language “could actually be more harmful than helpful,” Maxwell argues. The Trump administration’s rules drop several sections from Obama-era proposals and only focus on defining an “undue or unreasonable” preference by a packer (such as giving white farmers more lenient growing requirements than those given to black farmers). The proposed rules say any differences in farmer treatment that can be justified as a “cost savings” or a “reasonable business decision that would be customary in the industry” would not violate the law, leaving room for corporate packers to carry on with business as usual. “Practices that are customary and commonplace within the industry are abusive themselves,” says Tyler Whitley, manager of the Contract Agriculture Reform Program at the Rural Advancement Foundation International-USA. “To include criteria that could justify decisions based on what is customary within the industry only codifies abusive practices in law.” Obama-era proposed rules also included more specific definitions of actions that constitute unfair or undue preference, such as retaliation for speaking out or organizing and discrimination on the basis of race, national origin, sexual orientation, political beliefs, religion, age, or disability. Finally, the latest rule does not lift the need to prove industry-wide harm in order to pursue a violation, leaving the law largely unenforceable. The USDA has previously said it supports an interpretation of the Packers and Stockyards Act that allows farmers to challenge meatpackers for individual harms, but the latest ruling does not take steps to codify this. “Even if you put in place these definitions, it doesn’t really matter, if they can’t bring a claim,” notes Angela Huffman, executive director of the Organization for Competitive Markets. The public will have 60 days to comment on the proposed rule. Find and share this story originally published on Food & Power What We're Reading
About the Open Markets InstituteThe Open Markets Institute promotes political, industrial, economic, and environmental resilience. We do so by documenting and clarifying the dangers of extreme consolidation, and by fostering discussions of ways to reestablish America’s political economy on a more stable and fair foundation. Follow F&P on Twitter | Subscribe to this Newsletter | F&P Website | Contact Us Written by Claire Kelloway
Edited by Udit Thakur and Michael Bluhm Open Markets Institute 1440 G Street NW Washington D.C., 20010
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No images? Click here Welcome to The Corner. In this issue, we talk about our plan for a health care reform that would lower health care prices without raising taxes or forcing people to change health plans. To read previous editions of The Corner, click here. Open Markets Promotes Health Care Reform to Lower Prices Without Raising Taxes or Ending Private Insurance By Phil Longman Open Markets Policy Director Phil Longman presented a groundbreaking plan to reform health care prices, in the cover story for the current issue of the Washington Monthly. Longman proposed a system that we’re calling Medicare Prices for All. The basic idea is simple: Have the federal government mandate that the prices Medicare pays for health care apply to all health care plans. This plan is also relatively simple to enact. Congress would pass a law requiring that all health care providers offer prices based on what Medicare pays. Americans get to keep their insurance if they want, but everyone gets the same lower price. This plan would accomplish the major goals of lowering health care costs and thereby making it affordable for more Americans, without requiring anyone to change plans or pay more taxes. By contrast, support for single-payer health insurance, often referred to as Medicare for All, drops substantially when citizens find out how much it costs and that it would probably mean giving up their current private health care plans. Medicare Prices for All would also end the broad price discrimination that permeates health care today. Patients who live in places with many competing hospitals would be charged the same prices as people who live in places monopolized by one hospital. The plan would eliminate differences among large and small health care plans, as well as among doctors who are “preferred providers” or “out of network.” All providers would get the same prices for treatments given to patients with same conditions, just as they do under Medicare. Competition would shift from who can gain the most market power over prices to who can provide the highest-quality medicine. Importantly, the plan would eliminate much of the incentive for hospitals to merge in the first place, by removing the opportunity to use their power over the market to increase prices for basic services. Longman crafted the reform so that the cost savings would go mostly to people with commercial health care plans. Medicare Prices for All legislation would require employers and insurance companies to share the savings with employees. This could also be done through changes in the laws governing private health care plans. The financial benefit to ordinary, working-aged Americans would be substantial. Typical middle-class heads of household receive about $14,500 in employer contributions to an employer-provided health plan and pay about $6,000 in premiums themselves. Under Medicare Prices for All, that household would see wages increase by about $6,800 to $8,200, according to calculations by Paul Hewitt, a former deputy commissioner for policy at the Social Security Administration. In 2015, Longman was named by Sen. Bernie Sanders to a federal panel charged with planning the future of Veterans Affairs health care. Longman recommended opening the VA to more veterans and their families. 🔊 ANTI-MONOPOLY RISING:
📝 WHAT WE'VE BEEN UP TO:
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📈 VITAL STAT:$1 billionThe amount of additional public incentives Amazon sought to obtain in order to build its second headquarters. 📚 WHAT WE'RE READING:
Open Markets Employment Opportunities You can find the full job listings here. 🔎 TIPS? COMMENTS? SUGGESTIONS? We would love to hear from you—just reply to this e-mail and drop us a line. Give us your feedback, alert us to competition policy news, or let us know your favorite story from this issue.
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No images? Click here Welcome to The Corner. In this issue, we announce the addition of Open Markets’ new advisory board and detail a conversation between Demos’ President Sabeel Rahman and Open Markets’ Researcher Udit Thakur. To read previous editions of The Corner, click here. Open Markets Announces New Advisory Board to Help Guide Fight Against Monopoly The Open Markets Institute this week announced a new, 12-member academic advisory board to help guide and advise Open Markets’ research and policy work. These lawyers, economists, and advocates have all played leading roles in reshaping public debates on America’s monopoly crisis. The board includes some of the world’s top experts in digital monopolies, communications law, labor and employment law, and intellectual property law. We expect the board will work closely with other members of the Open Markets team, including OMI’s legal team of Sandeep Vaheesan and Sally Hubbard, and advisory board members. The full list of our new advisory board members can seen here. Q&A with Demos President Sabeel Rahman K. Sabeel Rahman is the president of Demos, a dynamic think-and-do tank that powers the movement for a just, inclusive, multiracial democracy. Rahman is also an associate professor of law at Brooklyn Law School, where he teaches constitutional law, administrative law, and courses on law and inequality. He is the author of Democracy Against Domination (Oxford University Press, 2017), which won the Dahl Prize for scholarship on the subject of democracy, as well as a new book Civic Power (co-authored with Hollie Russon Gilman, Cambridge University Press 2019), about strategies for building and institutionalizing bottom-up democratic power. Sabeel joined Open Markets researcher Udit Thakur this week to talk about the pitfalls of managerialism in policy-making, and what a truly democratic think-tank ecosystem might look like. Below is a transcript of the conversation,edited for clarity. Udit Thakur - You make a big distinction in your work between laissez faire and managerialism, and their shared antagonism towards democracy. For people who haven’t had a chance to read your book, how would you describe the difference? Sabeel Rahman - So I think in American politics we’re used to thinking of political and policy debates in a binary, right? Liberals want more government and more regulation, and conservatives want free-markets and less government regulation. But what’s missing on both sides of those equations is the question of democracy. One of the examples I talk a lot about in the book is the financial crisis. Coming out of the 2008 financial crash, the worst recession since the Great Depression, the fault lines in the policy debate began to emerge along these lines. On the back foot were the laissez faire types who were still arguing for deregulation, claiming that the reason for the crash was that the government was too involved in the mortgage market and making it too easy for poor people to get loans. There’s some nuance, but that’s basically the argument. Another view was that the problem was new forms of systemic risk and complicated new financial instruments. The mainstream liberal response was to double down on managerial expertise. “Lets give Ben Bernanke and the Federal Reserve more power to make sure the big banks don’t do bad stuff!” What we didn’t do, what some people argued for but what didn’t carry the day, was ask, “why do we even have so much concentrated financial power in the first place?” And what we didn’t talk about at all in 2010 was, “well who’s on the Fed, actually? Why is the Fed made up of mostly bankers and economists? If the Fed has so much power over our economy, over the lives of so many people, shouldn’t the Fed be democratic? A lot of people who follow the Fed would be terrified by that prospect. UT - Safe bet (laughs) SR - I think that’s when we need to say, well if you actually believe in democracy, then you should think about how to democratize the economy. And if you don’t believe in democracy, fair enough, lots of people in the history of the world have not believed in democracy. But you don’t get to claim that you believe in democracy. UT - I appreciate the candor! So I can’t avoid the opportunity to ask about the world you currently inhabit. What has surprised you the most about the structure and culture of the think-tank ecosystem, and what needs to improve? SR - These are great questions. A critique of technocracy has stayed with me. We need to base our visions of economic and political change in a moral vision that can motivate people. At Demos we think of ourselves as a think-tank of the movement, and our theory of change and orientation is about bringing the muscles and resources of a think-tank in terms of research and policy into the service of visions of change that come from and empower those most affected themselves. But to your question about the field, part of what I think is really interesting, and what has me optimistic, is that we’re over a decade removed from the financial crisis. And actually I think that context has been really helpful for the think-tank non-profit landscape. When you look at a lot of organizations; the Roosevelt Institute, Center for Equitable Growth, Community Change, and obviously Open Markets recently, I think the intellectual center of gravity has moved a lot since 08-09. I would argue that we’re in a moment where the progressive critique of neoliberalism has started to gain a bit of an upper-hand. Most of the conversations I have with partners and organizations is exactly about this. We have a strong critique, we have great ideas, but we need to build the power to actually implement them. Not just over the opposition of the right, but over the opposition of the traditional center. UT - So how much do experts share the blame with major corporate executives, “monopolists” as we like to say here at OMI, for the present state of our democracy? SR - I’d say a lot. But it’s also about the ideas infrastructure we’ve set up to determine who counts as an “expert” in the first place. What are the ideas that have the legitimacy of expert “common sense” and why do they win out over other ideas also backed by forms of expertise? What would it look like if you actually had an ideas infrastructure that served the interests of average people? I believe in viewing expertise in a small ‘d’ democratic way. The promise and faith of democracy is the idea that it is the people themselves who are experts of their own lived reality. The burden on the ideas infrastructure is to do policy in a way that is authentically, genuinely committed to those affected communities and the vision they have for what a good society is. 🔊 ANTI-MONOPOLY RISING:California attorney general announces Sutter will pay $575 million to settle antitrust suit. Major health system Sutter Health settled with the California Department of Justice to pay out $575 million in damages and have its business operations monitored for 10 years. California Attorney General Xavier Becerra announced that “[w]hen one health care provider can dominate the market, those who shoulder the cost of care — patients, employers, insurers — are the biggest losers. … Today’s settlement will be a game changer for restoring competition in our health care markets.” (TheSacramento Bee) France slaps Google with $166 million antitrust fine for opaque and inconsistent ad rules. France’s competition authority fined Google €150 million (approximately $166 million) for abusing its dominant position in online advertising markets and instituting “opaque and difficult to understand” rules. (TechCrunch) EU Legal Opinion on Facebook Case Spells Trouble for Data Transfers. An adviser to the EU’s top court recommended that U.S. technology companies should be prohibited from transferring European users’ data unless they can guarantee the transfer will be in compliance with EU privacy laws. Should the EU Court of Justice adopt the recommendation, Facebook, Google, Amazon, Microsoft, and Apple could face significant legal challenges. (The Wall Street Journal) Chile seeks up to $70 million combined price-fixing fine from feed giants after Cargill blows whistle. Chile's main antitrust authority fined three major fish feed companies as much as $70 million for conspiring to fix prices between 2003 and 2015. A fourth conspirator, Cargill’s EWOS Group, is seeking an exemption for bringing the case to authorities.(Under Current News) Open Markets Employment Opportunities Open Markets is looking for a Director of the Center for Liberty and Journalism who will help ensure that the news media is fully independent and funded in the 21st century’s digital economy. The Center will conduct cutting-edge research into news media market structures, engage with policymakers and support efforts to design smart policy solutions, and reshape the national narrative around the market structures that threaten the independence and financial stability of America’s news media. You can find the full job listings here. 📝 WHAT WE'VE BEEN UP TO:
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📈 VITAL STAT:25The percentage of Americans who delay medical treatment for themselves or a family member due to the costs of care. 📚 WHAT WE'RE READING:
🔎 TIPS? COMMENTS? SUGGESTIONS? We would love to hear from you—just reply to this e-mail and drop us a line. Give us your feedback, alert us to competition policy news, or let us know your favorite story from this issue.
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Written by: Barry Lynn, Phil Longman, and Udit Thakur Edited by: Barry Lynn, Phil Longman, Daniel A. Hanley, Udit Thakur, and Michael Bluhm. Image credit: filadendron and lensmen via iStock
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On Monday, the USDA thwarted a decade of efforts to help farmers seek justice for discrimination, retaliation, and unfair treatment by meatpackers.
Did someone forward you this newsletter? Photo courtesy of iStock by Getty Images Personalization or Price Discrimination? Could you and your neighbor pay different prices for the same jar of peanut butter one day? More and more grocery industry insiders say yes. Personalized pricing was a popular topic at the National Retail Federation’s annual convention in New York City this month. Grocery stores can leverage a combination of data analytics and customer identification and tracking tools to offer real-time individual pricing and promotions, both online and in-store. While the practice may still be in its infancy, some experts believe that personalized prices will become the standard in food retail and beyond. Individualized prices could make goods more affordable for some, but they also raise legal and ethical concerns about price gouging and discrimination. Sellers have long offered different prices to different groups of people, whether through senior and student discounts or lower airline fares to people who have Saturday layovers. But until recently, retailers rarely had the means to offer different prices to different individuals based on personal characteristics. This could change with the help of tracking technology, data collection, and machine learning. Economists call this first-degree price discrimination, and, if achieved, it allows sellers to extract the maximum amount that each individual is willing to pay. Grocery chains collect large swaths of data on customers’ location, past purchases, demographics, and even web-browsing history, to predict customer preferences and behaviors for targeted advertising, promotions, and prices. Target, for instance, assigns customers a Guest ID to track their demographics and interactions with the store. These profiles can predict things such as when a customer is pregnant (down to the rough due date) and analyze past behavior, to determine whether an expecting mother is more likely to buy baby supplies if she receives a coupon via e-mail or printed on her receipt. Such promotions could become so baked into the shopping experience that Safeway CEO Steve Burd said “there’s going to come a point where our shelf pricing is pretty irrelevant because we can be so personalized in what we offer people.” In fact, stable shelf prices could even cease to exist. In 2014, the U.K. grocery chain B&Q piloted electronic price displays that connected with shoppers’ cellphones to display different prices based on their loyalty program profiles, offering a glimpse of retail’s holy grail: individualized in-store prices. Despite all the hype, implementing personalized prices has been a technical and logistical challenge for grocery stores, says Bill Bishop, chief architect of Brick Meets Click. “I think we’re still in very early days in personalization and personalized pricing,” he said. However, Bishop did say that “in 10 years, personalized pricing will be the standard, and it will replace in large measure mass pricing in the grocery business.” As a starting point, some grocers are implementing individualized prices online. In a presentation for the National Retail Federation convention, Brian Crain, head of global business development at Precima, said his firm helps grocery chains offer “individualized pricing per shopper” online based on past shopping habits and potential value. Say a customer is a loyal shopper but rarely buys from a certain category, such as seafood. Precima could work within a retailer’s given budget to offer that shopper lower seafood prices. In an interview, Crain said that he sees more retailers talking about doing personalized pricing online, and while only a few have begun to implement the practice, he thinks this is “the way of the future.” Precima also offers to sell this personalized data to suppliers to help inform their promotions. Such one-to-one pricing is still controversial. Studies suggest that most consumers think individualized prices are unfair, unless they are able to participate in the pricing process (i.e., to bargain). At the same time, a study by IDC found that 63 percent of shoppers surveyed said “personalization is important” in grocery shopping. Personalized prices could make goods cheaper and more accessible for those who need them. “Price discrimination can actually help spread out fixed costs … [and] make sure anyone who wants that product gets it,” explains Maurice Stucke, a University of Tennessee law professor and author of Virtual Competition: The Promise and Perils of the Algorithm-Driven Economy. But retailers may also use data-analytics to squeeze or manipulate consumers in new, sophisticated ways. “Companies can use behavioral biases to profit at our expense,” Stucke says. “Once they compile data about individuals, they can be much more targeted in [getting consumers] to do things that they may not otherwise have wanted and get them to pay at the highest price that they’re willing to pay.” This could be as benign as coupons for your favorite comfort foods when an algorithm identifies indicators of stress, or, more problematically, gouging consumers who have fewer options. The Wall Street Journal, for instance, reported that Staples charged online shoppers more for goods when shoppers were more than 20 miles from a competing office supply store. These areas with fewer competing stores also tended to be areas with lower median incomes. Personalized prices may also intentionally or inadvertently discriminate on the basis of race, gender, or other protected classes, which is technically illegal. An investigation by ProPublica found that The Princeton Review charged more for college entry prep in ZIP codes with higher Asian American populations, even in areas with lower median incomes. Overall, ProPublica found that Asians were nearly twice as likely to get a higher price from The Princeton Review than non-Asians. Both Staples and The Princeton Review claimed that their pricing differences reflected varying costs of running their businesses, but the end results show how relying on personal pricing algorithms can still unintentionally discriminate in racist and potentially illegal ways. Pricing based on factors such as ZIP codes can easily become a proxy for racial discrimination, for instance. As personalized prices become more commonplace, it will be critical to monitor for unfair or discriminatory outcomes. For now, consumers in competitive markets can take their business elsewhere if they feel slighted or dissatisfied by their personal price offerings. But as the grocery industry consolidates and prices begin to change more frequently, consumers could lose the ability to avoid or even identify price discrimination. Reporting contributed by Katherine Dill. Find and share this story originally published on Food & Power What We're Reading
About the Open Markets InstituteThe Open Markets Institute promotes political, industrial, economic, and environmental resilience. We do so by documenting and clarifying the dangers of extreme consolidation, and by fostering discussions of ways to reestablish America’s political economy on a more stable and fair foundation. Follow F&P on Twitter | Subscribe to this Newsletter | F&P Website | Contact Us Written by Claire Kelloway with reporting by Katherine Dill
Edited by Phil Longman and Michael Bluhm Open Markets Institute 1440 G Street NW Washington D.C., 20010
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No images? Click here Welcome to The Corner. In this issue, we present our views on how the courts, the Justice Department, and the FTC are failing to use antitrust law to protect workers from employers who have monopolies in labor markets. To read previous editions of The Corner, click here. Antitrust’s Monopsony Problem
Open Markets Legal Director Sandeep Vaheesan and Reporter-Researcher Matt Buck published an article this week revealing how today’s antitrust law fails to protect workers from the concentration of power by employers, as shown in four recent cases alleging employer collusion against workers. Vaheesan and Buck published their article on ProMarket, the blog of the Stigler Center at the University of Chicago Booth School of Business. They write that more and more workers today are being harmed by monopsony, which refers to a market dominated by a single buyer. Viewed through the lens of working people, a monopsony exists when there are only one or a few potential employers for their particular skills or in the particular place they live. Recent studies show that millions of Americans, especially those living in rural areas, earn significantly lower wages because of monopsony. Dominant retailers, such as Amazon and Walmart, use their size to depress wages throughout their entire supply chains. All four cases studied by Vaheesan and Buck involve collusion, which antitrust lawyers today consider categorically bad and relatively easy to challenge in court. Collusion is per se unlawful, meaning it is illegal if it happens, regardless of its ultimate effects on workers or consumers. But these four recent antitrust cases alleging collusive wage-fixing by employers suggest that antitrust law is not equipped to protect all workers today. Vaheesan and Buck focus much of their article on an ongoing antitrust suit against the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA). In that case, a district judge ruled last March that the NCAA can continue capping compensation for players because the viewing public purportedly believes that college athletes should not be paid for their hard work and skills. Vaheesan and Buck argue that such a sacrifice of the players’ interests to cater to viewers’ tastes is indefensible, factually doubtful, and would rightly cause outrage if applied to any other line of work. The court’s decision, in the words of one scholar, “leads to the abhorrent result of allowing purchasers of labor to unlawfully exploit one class of people (in this case, predominantly African American college athletes) for the purpose of benefiting another, presumably a more important class of people (the consumers of college athletics, in particular the viewers of televised men’s football and basketball games).” In the article, Vaheesan and Buck also look closely at three other cases, including a 2019 case about shepherds employed by Western ranchers, a 2019 FTC case about therapists working for home health agencies, and a well-known 2010 Justice Department settlement with Apple, Google, and four other corporations about collusive agreements not to poach each other’s employees. (Disclosure: The Open Markets Institute filed amicus briefs or comment letters in support of the injured workers in the NCAA, shepherds, and therapists cases.) The authors argue that the root cause of the failure to protect workers is the prevailing consumer welfare philosophy of antitrust. This narrow interpretation of the law and its history—which holds that the sole objective of the law is to protect consumer welfare—enables enforcers and the courts to overlook the exercise of power over working people. Open Markets has been a pioneer in exposing the ways in which monopolists harm America’s working people. In 2010, Open Markets Executive Director Barry Lynn and Policy Director Phil Longman wrote the cover story in the Washington Monthly about the devastation of labor markets by corporate concentration. Also in 2012, Lynn published in Harper’s Magazine the first coverage in the mainstream news about the hiring cartel in Silicon Valley. Open Markets Legal Director Sandeep Vaheesan has for years published pioneering articles, amicus briefs in the courts, and comment letters with regulatory agencies to develop the legal arguments against no-poaching agreements among employers and against non-compete clauses in employee contracts. 🔊 ANTI-MONOPOLY RISING:
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📈 VITAL STAT:45,000%The percentage increase in fees that pharmacies have paid to pharmacy benefits managers - increasing the cost of prescription drugs for consumers. 📚 WHAT WE'RE READING:
Open Markets Employment Opportunities You can find the full job listings here. 🔎 TIPS? COMMENTS? SUGGESTIONS? We would love to hear from you—just reply to this e-mail and drop us a line. Give us your feedback, alert us to competition policy news, or let us know your favorite story from this issue.
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Written by: Barry Lynn, Phil Longman, and Michael Bluhm Edited by: Barry Lynn, Phil Longman, Michael Bluhm, Daniel A. Hanley, and Udit Thakur Image credit: South_Agency via iStock
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No images? Click here Welcome to The Corner. In this issue, we announce the addition of Open Markets’ new advisory board and detail a conversation between Demos’ President Sabeel Rahman and Open Markets’ Researcher Udit Thakur. To read previous editions of The Corner, click here. Open Markets Announces New Advisory Board to Help Guide Fight Against Monopoly The Open Markets Institute this week announced a new, 12-member academic advisory board to help guide and advise Open Markets’ research and policy work. These lawyers, economists, and advocates have all played leading roles in reshaping public debates on America’s monopoly crisis. The board includes some of the world’s top experts in digital monopolies, communications law, labor and employment law, and intellectual property law. We expect the board will work closely with other members of the Open Markets team, including OMI’s legal team of Sandeep Vaheesan and Sally Hubbard, and advisory board members. The full list of our new advisory board members can seen here. Q&A with Demos President Sabeel Rahman
*CORRECTION: Due to an editing error, the previous version of this newsletter used a placeholder stock image. K. Sabeel Rahman is the president of Demos, a dynamic think-and-do tank that powers the movement for a just, inclusive, multiracial democracy. Rahman is also an associate professor of law at Brooklyn Law School, where he teaches constitutional law, administrative law, and courses on law and inequality. He is the author of Democracy Against Domination (Oxford University Press, 2017), which won the Dahl Prize for scholarship on the subject of democracy, as well as a new book Civic Power (co-authored with Hollie Russon Gilman, Cambridge University Press 2019), about strategies for building and institutionalizing bottom-up democratic power. Sabeel joined Open Markets researcher Udit Thakur this week to talk about the pitfalls of managerialism in policy-making, and what a truly democratic think-tank ecosystem might look like. Below is a transcript of the conversation,edited for clarity. Udit Thakur - You make a big distinction in your work between laissez faire and managerialism, and their shared antagonism towards democracy. For people who haven’t had a chance to read your book, how would you describe the difference? Sabeel Rahman - So I think in American politics we’re used to thinking of political and policy debates in a binary, right? Liberals want more government and more regulation, and conservatives want free-markets and less government regulation. But what’s missing on both sides of those equations is the question of democracy. One of the examples I talk a lot about in the book is the financial crisis. Coming out of the 2008 financial crash, the worst recession since the Great Depression, the fault lines in the policy debate began to emerge along these lines. On the back foot were the laissez faire types who were still arguing for deregulation, claiming that the reason for the crash was that the government was too involved in the mortgage market and making it too easy for poor people to get loans. There’s some nuance, but that’s basically the argument. Another view was that the problem was new forms of systemic risk and complicated new financial instruments. The mainstream liberal response was to double down on managerial expertise. “Lets give Ben Bernanke and the Federal Reserve more power to make sure the big banks don’t do bad stuff!” What we didn’t do, what some people argued for but what didn’t carry the day, was ask, “why do we even have so much concentrated financial power in the first place?” And what we didn’t talk about at all in 2010 was, “well who’s on the Fed, actually? Why is the Fed made up of mostly bankers and economists? If the Fed has so much power over our economy, over the lives of so many people, shouldn’t the Fed be democratic? A lot of people who follow the Fed would be terrified by that prospect. UT - Safe bet (laughs) SR - I think that’s when we need to say, well if you actually believe in democracy, then you should think about how to democratize the economy. And if you don’t believe in democracy, fair enough, lots of people in the history of the world have not believed in democracy. But you don’t get to claim that you believe in democracy. UT - I appreciate the candor! So I can’t avoid the opportunity to ask about the world you currently inhabit. What has surprised you the most about the structure and culture of the think-tank ecosystem, and what needs to improve? SR - These are great questions. A critique of technocracy has stayed with me. We need to base our visions of economic and political change in a moral vision that can motivate people. At Demos we think of ourselves as a think-tank of the movement, and our theory of change and orientation is about bringing the muscles and resources of a think-tank in terms of research and policy into the service of visions of change that come from and empower those most affected themselves. But to your question about the field, part of what I think is really interesting, and what has me optimistic, is that we’re over a decade removed from the financial crisis. And actually I think that context has been really helpful for the think-tank non-profit landscape. When you look at a lot of organizations; the Roosevelt Institute, Center for Equitable Growth, Community Change, and obviously Open Markets recently, I think the intellectual center of gravity has moved a lot since 08-09. I would argue that we’re in a moment where the progressive critique of neoliberalism has started to gain a bit of an upper-hand. Most of the conversations I have with partners and organizations is exactly about this. We have a strong critique, we have great ideas, but we need to build the power to actually implement them. Not just over the opposition of the right, but over the opposition of the traditional center. UT - So how much do experts share the blame with major corporate executives, “monopolists” as we like to say here at OMI, for the present state of our democracy? SR - I’d say a lot. But it’s also about the ideas infrastructure we’ve set up to determine who counts as an “expert” in the first place. What are the ideas that have the legitimacy of expert “common sense” and why do they win out over other ideas also backed by forms of expertise? What would it look like if you actually had an ideas infrastructure that served the interests of average people? I believe in viewing expertise in a small ‘d’ democratic way. The promise and faith of democracy is the idea that it is the people themselves who are experts of their own lived reality. The burden on the ideas infrastructure is to do policy in a way that is authentically, genuinely committed to those affected communities and the vision they have for what a good society is. 🔊 ANTI-MONOPOLY RISING:California attorney general announces Sutter will pay $575 million to settle antitrust suit. Major health system Sutter Health settled with the California Department of Justice to pay out $575 million in damages and have its business operations monitored for 10 years. California Attorney General Xavier Becerra announced that “[w]hen one health care provider can dominate the market, those who shoulder the cost of care — patients, employers, insurers — are the biggest losers. … Today’s settlement will be a game changer for restoring competition in our health care markets.” (TheSacramento Bee) France slaps Google with $166 million antitrust fine for opaque and inconsistent ad rules. France’s competition authority fined Google €150 million (approximately $166 million) for abusing its dominant position in online advertising markets and instituting “opaque and difficult to understand” rules. (TechCrunch) EU Legal Opinion on Facebook Case Spells Trouble for Data Transfers. An adviser to the EU’s top court recommended that U.S. technology companies should be prohibited from transferring European users’ data unless they can guarantee the transfer will be in compliance with EU privacy laws. Should the EU Court of Justice adopt the recommendation, Facebook, Google, Amazon, Microsoft, and Apple could face significant legal challenges. (The Wall Street Journal) Chile seeks up to $70 million combined price-fixing fine from feed giants after Cargill blows whistle. Chile's main antitrust authority fined three major fish feed companies as much as $70 million for conspiring to fix prices between 2003 and 2015. A fourth conspirator, Cargill’s EWOS Group, is seeking an exemption for bringing the case to authorities.(Under Current News) Open Markets Employment Opportunities Open Markets is looking for a Director of the Center for Liberty and Journalism who will help ensure that the news media is fully independent and funded in the 21st century’s digital economy. The Center will conduct cutting-edge research into news media market structures, engage with policymakers and support efforts to design smart policy solutions, and reshape the national narrative around the market structures that threaten the independence and financial stability of America’s news media. You can find the full job listings here. 📝 WHAT WE'VE BEEN UP TO:
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📈 VITAL STAT:25The percentage of Americans who delay medical treatment for themselves or a family member due to the costs of care. 📚 WHAT WE'RE READING:
🔎 TIPS? COMMENTS? SUGGESTIONS? We would love to hear from you—just reply to this e-mail and drop us a line. Give us your feedback, alert us to competition policy news, or let us know your favorite story from this issue.
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1440 G St NW, Washington, DC 20005 We thought you'd like to be in the know about competition policy news. Liked what you read? Please forward to a friend or colleague.
Written by: Barry Lynn, Phil Longman, and Udit Thakur Edited by: Barry Lynn, Phil Longman, Daniel A. Hanley, Udit Thakur, and Michael Bluhm. Image credit: filadendron and lensmen via iStock
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On Monday, the USDA thwarted a decade of efforts to help farmers seek justice for discrimination, retaliation, and unfair treatment by meatpackers.
Did someone forward you this newsletter? Photo courtesy of iStock by Getty Images Canadian Antitrust Enforcers Investigating Big Ag for Stifling Startup Canada’s Competition Bureau is looking into an allegation that agribusiness giants Bayer, Corteva, BASF, Cargill, and others tried to crush an online ag retailing startup, the California-based Farmers Business Network (FBN), according to court filings reviewed by The Wall Street Journal. FBN submitted a complaint to Canada’s antitrust enforcers that these dominant seed and agrichemical providers stopped supplying products to FBN’s recently acquired Canadian business. The allegation represents an abuse of market power by leading agribusinesses to maintain control over seed and agrichemical markets in an era of retail disruption. As purchasing shifts online and as farmers rely on data-driven analysis for product and planting recommendations, agriculture corporations and startups are in an arms race for platform supremacy. The question is, who will sell farmers their seeds and chemicals and tell them what and how to plant in a digital farming future? FBN’s online marketplace poses a threat to Big Ag players who want to corner access to critical farmer data and to channel purchases through either their own digital platforms or traditional ag retailers, where they have a competitive advantage. “These companies have no interest in a third party using data to potentially promote a product that is not theirs or to undercut the price of a trusted retailer on their own product,” says Jason Davidson, food and agriculture campaigner at Friends of the Earth. Bayer, Corteva, BASF, and Syngenta (which is not under investigation) control much of the market for seeds and agrichemicals, selling 76% of all agrichemicals globally and 76% of all soybean, 85% of all corn, and 91% of all cotton seeds in the U.S. Seed and treatment costs have only gone up as the number of sellers decreases, and many farmers feel like they cannot find competitive, affordable options. Startups such as FBN address this concern by promising to save farmers money on inputs. Farmers pay an annual fee to join FBN’s online marketplace and their farmer-sourced database, where farmers compare seed and chemical prices alongside their performance. Founded by former Google executives and funded by Google’s venture capital arm, FBN aims to cut costs by removing traditional seed and chemical retailers and selling generic versions of popular chemicals directly to farmers. FBN has also started a seed line. FBN, and other startups, such as Indigo and Farmobile, also compete with Big Ag in the growing digital agriculture industry. Startups and leading agribusinesses are fighting to create integrated digital platforms where farmers can buy their inputs and receive data-driven farm management advice tailored to their operation (such as identifying which fields may need less fertilizer, based on data from soil sensors). Corporations aggregate many farmers’ soil, weather, production, and yield data to create predictive algorithms that guide farming recommendations. Naturally, Big Ag wants farmers to buy products and get management advice from their platforms, where the giants can promote their own products. BASF, for instance, offers farmers rebates for buying its inputs with its ag-tech platform. Big Ag also wants to corner access to farmers’ production data, because more data mean more accurate software. Information on who is buying which products and when is also essential for marketing, and Big Ag corporations do not want competitors encroaching on this information. “For a startup to collect data not only on how effective their products are, but who’s buying them – that is essentially taking super valuable marketing data and putting it into an outside company,” explains Davidson. “I think they’re really scared.” Seed and chemical corporation officials have said that they prefer to work with traditional ag retailers for their local expertise and service, according to the Journal. However, brick-and-mortar ag retailers are economically dependent on large rebates from agribusiness tied to sales goals. Pushing the Big Four’s products is baked into the traditional ag retailing business model. “It’s certainly a much less level playing field at these brick and mortar stores because of these relationships,” says Davidson. By comparison, FBN crowdsources seed and chemical pricing from farmers, to help them sort through opaque pricing schemes and find the best deal, which could be a generic product. FBN alleges that major seed and chemical purveyors tried to squash its marketplace by refusing to sell FBN their products. In the case under Canadian investigation, FBN acquired a Saskatchewan-based agriculture retail business, to expand its business into Canada. After the acquisition, seed and agrichemical companies stopped selling products to the retailer, FBN says. FBN says this isn’t the first time that agribusiness corporations have cut it off. “We’ve faced an extreme amount of resistance from the industry at being able to bring what should be very basic services to growers,” Charles Baron, FBN’s co-founder and chief innovation officer, told the Journal. Without leading brands, FBN relies on selling generic agrichemicals, and it’s even started to develop its own seeds. Canada’s Competition Bureau requested correspondence from Bayer, BASF, Corteva, Cargill, which does some crop inputs retailing in Canada, and chemical distributor Univar, among others, related to FBN’s Canadian business. Antitrust officials also requested the corporations’ online sales policies and supply arrangements with other Canadian retailers. Agency officials already have some documents that suggest a coordinated effort among the corporations to block FBN, according to court filings reviewed by The Wall Street Journal. Representatives from Bayer, Corteva, and Cargill told the Journal that their conduct did not violate antitrust law, and a representative from Univar said the distributor ended business with FBN because of unaligned objectives. Find and share this story originally published on the Open Markets Blog What We're Reading
About the Open Markets InstituteThe Open Markets Institute promotes political, industrial, economic, and environmental resilience. We do so by documenting and clarifying the dangers of extreme consolidation, and by fostering discussions of ways to reestablish America’s political economy on a more stable and fair foundation. Follow F&P on Twitter | Subscribe to this Newsletter | F&P Website | Contact Us Written by Claire Kelloway
Edited by Phil Longman and Michael Bluhm Open Markets Institute 1440 G Street NW Washington D.C., 20005
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Dear Friends, Just a brief note from the Open Markets team to encourage you to watch the Feb. 18 episode of the PBS documentary series Frontline, which is titled “Amazon Empire: The Rise and Reign of Jeff Bezos.” The Open Markets team worked closely with Frontline in preparing the documentary, and we believe it will provide a strong case for why the time has come for Americans to break the corporation’s immense and continuously growing economic and political power. Since 2010, Open Markets has led efforts to shine a light on Amazon’s dangerous monopoly power, as well as on the tools we have to fix the problem. These efforts include hosting the first private discussion among top editors and publishers, in February 2010, at the American Booksellers Association Winter Institute. It includes writing the first mainstream media article about Amazon’s threat to book authors and book publishers, in Harpers in 2012, called “Killing the Competition.” It includes working with Authors United in detailing how Amazon grossly abused this power by suppressing the work of the book publisher Hachette in 2015, as detailed in this article in The New York Times. It includes hosting in January 2016 the first public discussion of the need to break up Amazon. And it includes Lina Khan’s well-known article “Amazon’s Antitrust Paradox,” in the January 2017 issue of the Yale Law Journal. PBS will broadcast the episode at 9 p.m. Eastern/6 p.m. Pacific on Tuesday, Feb. 18. Watch the trailer on PBS or YouTube. Read the PBS press release about the episode here.
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No images? Click here Welcome to The Corner. In this issue, we discuss Frontline’s new report on Amazon and Jeff Bezos, explain how state attorneys general can appeal a court decision approving T-Mobile’s purchase of Sprint, and explain some of the flaws in Sen. Hawley’s proposal to restructure the Federal Trade Commission. To read previous editions of The Corner, click here. New PBS Frontline Documentary Investigates Amazon
The Open Markets team encourages readers of The Corner to watch the new Frontline report titled “Amazon Empire: The Rise and Reign of Jeff Bezos,” which debuted Feb. 18. The documentary provides a strong case that the time has come for Americans to break Amazon’s immense and fast-growing economic and political power. The report features many of Open Markets’ closest allies, including Stacy Mitchell, co-director of the Institute for Local Self-Reliance; Franklin Foer, a former Open Markets board member and now a staff writer at The Atlantic; as well as many members of the Athena Coalition. The report also includes an interview with Open Markets Executive Director Barry Lynn. Watch the episode here. Read about Open Market’s pioneering fight against Amazon here. Read the PBS press release about the episode here. How State AGs Can Appeal the Flawed Decision to Approve T-Mobile’s Purchase of Sprint.
Last week, Judge Victor Marrero of the District Court for the Southern District of New York resoundingly approved a proposed $26 billion mega-merger between Sprint and T-Mobile, further consolidating one of the most critical sectors in the economy from four firms to three. Nine states and the District of Columbia were seeking to prohibit the merger between Sprint and T-Mobile on the grounds that the merger would substantially decrease competition in the retail wireless industry, would likely increase prices for consumers, and would increase the likelihood of collusion among the remaining behemoths. The states pursued the case despite the merger’s approval by the Department of Justice (DOJ) and the Federal Communications Commission (FCC). A close review of the ruling reveals a number of mistakes in the judge’s reasoning, so state attorneys general could base their appeal on several excellent legal arguments. For example, the judge apparently misunderstood or misinterpreted the “efficiencies” defense and the “weakened competitor” defense, and the decision erroneously takes into account theoretical economic benefits, which cannot justify an otherwise illegal merger. Policy Analyst Daniel Hanley published today an in-depth analysis of what the judge got wrong on ProMarket.org. Response to Sen. Hawley’s FTC Proposal Last week, Sen. Josh Hawley released a plan to reorganize the Federal Trade Commission (FTC). Open Markets recognizes the value of a vibrant, well-staffed, and aggressive FTC to enforce the antitrust laws and promote vigorous competition. However, Sen. Hawley’s plan at best misses the mark and at worst would undermine the goals of the commission. Two aspects of his proposal are especially dangerous. First, Sen. Hawley calls for the FTC’s enforcement division to be merged with the Department of Justice (DOJ), decreasing the number of federal antitrust agencies from two to one. Unfortunately, this runs directly contrary to the basic goal of Congress when it established the FTC in 1914: to create an organization that both checked the DOJ’s Antitrust Division and supplemented and complemented its powers. Indeed, Congress, in passing the Clayton Antitrust Act that same year, also established the same basic antitrust powers in every state of the union, and—through private right of action—in every citizen. The clear aim was to ensure that even if powerful private actors captured control of an administration or of the entire government in Washington, then the people would still be able to bring real power to bear against their corporations and banks. Sen. Hawley’s second main error is to call for the leadership of the FTC to transform from a five-person commission into a single director. The main problem with this idea is that it would allow a strong director to hide from the public view most of the deliberations that take place within the FTC, without increasing in the slightest the likelihood that the commission would take strong action against private concentrations of power. The multi-member structure of the commission, combined with the requirement to publish decisions, ensures that debates within the agency help to educate the public and other enforcers, even when these debates do not result in actions against private monopolists. While we applaud Sen. Hawley calling for more funding for research at the FTC, his present plan would severely weaken the federal government’s antitrust enforcement capacity. Open Markets has published many articles about the special importance and unique tools of the FTC. We encourage Sen. Hawley and other interested parties to consult our extensive work on the commission:
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📈 VITAL STAT:$13 billionThe amount of the proposed mega-merger between the investment bank Morgan Stanley and the brokerage firm E-Trade. Within the brokerage industry, Charles Schwab has proposed the acquisition of TD Ameritrade. 📚 WHAT WE'RE READING:
Open Markets Employment Opportunities You can find the full job listings here. 🔎 TIPS? COMMENTS? SUGGESTIONS? We would love to hear from you—just reply to this e-mail and drop us a line. Give us your feedback, alert us to competition policy news, or let us know your favorite story from this issue.
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1440 G St NW, Washington, DC 20005 We thought you'd like to be in the know about competition policy news. Liked what you read? Please forward to a friend or colleague.
Written by: Barry Lynn, Phil Longman, Michael Bluhm, and Daniel A. Hanley Edited by: Barry Lynn, Phil Longman, Michael Bluhm, Daniel A. Hanley, and Udit Thakur Image credit: Frontline via PBS and PeopleImages via iStock
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Open Markets Institute, along with the Washington Monthly and the LOWN Institute, want to invite you to the first in a two-part panel series focused on how concentration in the American hospital sector is creating a crisis in care quality.Best Hospitals for AmericaTuesday, July 14 at 1 p.m. Eastern Panelists Include: Vikas Saini, MD, president of the Lown Institute (data partner of the Washington Monthly) Kate Walsh, president and CEO of the Boston Medical Center (BMC is ranked #2 on WM’s Best Safety Net Hospitals for America list, #4 on the Best Major Teaching Hospitals for America list, and #10 on our overall top 20 Best Hospitals for America list) Paul Glastris, editor in chief of the Washington Monthly, co-author of the book The Other College Guide, and editor of the e-book Elephant in the Room: Washington in the Bush Years Moderator: Philip Longman, policy director at Open Markets Institute, author of “Hidden Charges,” and co-author of “An Epidemic of Greed” in this special issue of Washington Monthly
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On July 7, the Washington Monthly magazine will be releasing its inaugural “Best Hospitals for America” ranking, which measures individual hospitals on how well they save lives, save money, and serve everyone – especially low-income and minority populations within their communities. The Best Hospitals for America ranking measures hospitals by quality of care, but also by two other metrics no other ranking system has ever used. The first is civic leadership, and the second metric is value of care. The Monthly’s different approach yields radically different results from the U.S. News top 20. Join us for an in-depth discussion with the creators of this new hospital ranking about why their methodology gives us a more accurate picture of hospital quality on what matters most: taking in a diverse patient population, healing those patients, and not overtreating them.
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Restructuring America’s Meat Industry for Consumer and Worker Safety and Farmer Prosperity
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Washington – The Open Market Institute, Food & Water Action, and Family Farm Action Alliance today called on the Trump administration and federal law enforcement agencies to protect the American food supply by addressing dangerous concentrations of power and slaughterhouse capacity. The proposal was signed by 14 other organizations, including the Institute for Agriculture and Trade Policy, National Family Farm Coalition, and Rural Advancement Foundation International-USA. The groups called for a repeal of the executive order invoking the Defense Production Act to keep slaughterhouses running, saying the order “does not provide sufficient protection for the workers risking their lives to keep plants operating. More fundamentally, it does nothing to address the underlying structure of the meat industry that created this public health and food security crisis in the first place.” “COVID-19 has revealed the dangers of our consolidated meat supply chain, in which a handful of powerful, vertically integrated corporations control entire markets, shape government policy, and exploit workers and farmers,” the organizations wrote. Labor conditions in meatpacking plants have driven major coronavirus outbreaks among workers, prompting 21 plants to close, sickening more than 4,300 workers, and killing at least 20. With just four corporations controlling 85% of beef processing, three controlling 63% of hog processing, and half of all poultry farmers reporting they have just one or two buyers for their birds, there is not sufficient competition among livestock processors to ensure fair prices for farmers, say the groups. “Most farmers are trapped in take-it-or-leave-it contracts that hold down the prices they receive and that dictate many aspects of their operations,” the groups wrote. In addition to calling for a repeal of the executive order, the organizations proposed blocking agricultural industry mergers and undoing past mergers that allowed any corporation to control more than 10% of the U.S. market in either livestock purchasing or meat sales. Other antitrust measures proposed included enforcement of the Packers & Stockyards Act and reinstatement of the Grain Inspection, Packers and Stockyards Administration as a stand-alone agency. The organizations also called on the USDA to revoke all line speed increases implemented under the New Poultry and Pork Inspection Programs and related waivers, to increase funding for food safety inspectors, and to provideproper protective equipment, premium pay, and fully paid sick leave to workers. “Decades of industry consolidation created a meat production system that was built to break,” the groups said. “To truly protect consumers, workers, farmers, and the public, we call for the administration and law enforcement agencies to use existing anti-monopoly authority to restructure this industry in ways that radically and greatly reduce the concentration of risk in any one facility.” "This crisis presents an unprecedented challenge for our country, but also an unprecedented chance to witness the inherent dangers in our food system," said Claire Kelloway, reporter and researcher at Open Markets, who was the lead author of the proposal. “It is imperative that we take every precaution to protect workers through this crisis while also taking bold action to restructure the meat industry to create fair and resilient markets for America’s farmers, workers, and eaters.” “Our federal government has enabled agricultural giants to exploit our weak and vulnerable food system for far too long. In the face of this pandemic, enough is enough,” said Amanda Starbuck, senior researcher and food policy analyst for Food & Water Action. “Slaughter plants must shut down and stay shut down as long as there is risk of coronavirus contamination, and functioning plants must put strict regulations, safety precautions, and worker compensations in place immediately. It is time for our leaders to stand up to these powerful corporations and to restructure our livestock meat industry so it works for workers, farmers, and consumers.” Joe Maxwell, co-founder of Family Farm Action Alliance, said, “The COVID-19 pandemic has exposed the frailty of the current monopoly-controlled food and agriculture supply chain. The president ordering plants to stay open, jeopardizing the health of the workers and their communities, is not the answer. It is time he and others recognize that the current heavily concentrated food system is a liability and a food and national security risk. The time has come to diversify our food processing market and to make investments and to provide support for small and mid-sized processing plants, solving this crisis and ensuring a resilient food supply system for the future.”
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Open Markets Institute invites you to the second in a two-part panel series focused on how concentration in the American hospital sector is creating a crisis in care quality.Building a Truly ‘Public’ Health Care SystemThursday, August 6 at 1 p.m. EDT
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Panelists Include: Shannon Brownlee, senior vice president, Lown Institute; author of Overtreated: Why Too Much Medicine is Making Us Sicker and Poorer Udit Thakur, research associate, Open Markets Institute; co-author of “An Epidemic of Greed” in the July special issue of Washington Monthly; labor and public-interest organizer Kavita Patel, practicing primary care physician and nonresident fellow, Brookings Institution; former director of policy for the Office of Intergovernmental Affairs and Public Engagement, Obama administration Moderator: Phillip Longman, policy director at Open Markets Institute; co-author of “An Epidemic of Greed” in the July special issue of Washington Monthly; author of Best Care Anywhere: Why VA Health Care is Better than Yours The U.S. health care system is increasingly dominated by monopolistic corporations. They own and operate most of our local health care delivery systems, including hospitals and doctors’ practices. These giant platforms also control many of the local markets for health insurance, giving them the ability to operate as both providers and purchasers of health care. As this concentration of corporate power increases, physicians, nurses, and other frontline health care professionals find their working conditions deteriorating, as they are forced to maximize corporate margins at the expense of patients and their social mission. Please join us for a conversation about the potential for a new mass movement of patient-activists and mission-driven providers dedicated to making sure that those who control our health care system serve the public interest.
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Did someone forward you this newsletter? Photo courtesy of Shane T. McCoy for the US Marshals via Flickr Attorney General Directed Agriculture Antitrust Investigations to Harass Cannabis Businesses, Whistleblower Says A whistleblower from the Department of Justice’s (DOJ) Antitrust Division testified before Congress last week that Attorney General William Barr had disproportionately directed antitrust enforcement resources to scrutinize relatively small mergers between cannabis firms out of a personal dislike for the industry. Cannabis merger investigations made up 29% of all merger reviews in 2019, overwhelming the office overseeing agricultural antitrust work, DOJ attorney John Elias said. While there’s a case for studying and safeguarding against early concentration in the new and potentially large industry of legalized cannabis, the sheer volume and questionable execution of these investigations suggest that Barr primarily intended to delay deals and incur costs to cannabis companies, rather than to ensure fair competition. These investigations demanded the energies of agricultural antitrust enforcement at the same time that authorities were reviewing allegations of industry price fixing and market manipulation. While the DOJ investigated small cannabis mergers, it did not investigate consequential deals in other agriculture sectors, such as National Beef’s takeover of independent packer Iowa Premium. “You have finite resources in the DOJ, and if they’re investigating cannabis mergers, what aren’t they investigating?” asked Maurice Stucke, a University of Tennessee law professor and former DOJ antitrust attorney. Last Wednesday, Elias, a career DOJ antitrust attorney, testified before the House Judiciary Committee that Barr had abused his authority and misdirected antitrust enforcement to pursue politically motivated investigations of both the cannabis industry and automakers’ carbon emissions agreements with the state of California. Federal enforcers consult established guidelines to determine whether a proposed merger might violate antitrust law and merits review. Since the 1980s, these guidelines have been permissive to most mergers. In the rare instance that DOJ investigates a merger, the department will issue a Second Request, which allows the department to collect hundreds of thousands or even millions of documents from merging companies. Second Requests are technically subpoenas, and corporations must comply or forgo the merger. This process can be costly for merging businesses; a 2014 survey estimated the median cost of complying with a Second Request was $4.3 million. DOJ performs these deeper investigations on only 1%-2% of all mergers annually – typically the largest ones. According to Elias’ testimony, the department only conducted 31 Second Requests in the 2019 fiscal year, 29% of which were of cannabis mergers. Elias said the 10 investigated cannabis mergers were relatively small and did not meet the criteria for a Second Request. For instance, one of the investigated mergers would have created a company with a combined market share of just 0.35%. Staff members justified the investigations on the grounds that the department had “not closely evaluated this industry before.” While there are valid reasons for antitrust enforcers to scrutinize killer acquisitions of small startups or to study emerging industries, Elias said Barr had requested these investigations “because he did not like the nature of their underlying business.” Elias also said that Assistant Attorney General Makan Delrahim “acknowledged that the investigations were motivated by the fact that the cannabis industry is unpopular ‘on the fifth floor,’ a reference to Attorney General Barr’s offices.” The purported execution of these investigations also suggests that Barr intended to pester cannabis companies rather than to learn about the industry or challenge a merger. Elias said that staff members had been instructed to forgo interviews with customers and competitors, which are typically required to collect information and identify witnesses for a merger challenge. He also said that staff members reviewed very few documents requested from cannabis companies; in one case, officials began the process of closing the investigation before the requested corporate documents had even been uploaded for staff to view. Though the investigations were not as thorough, Elias said, the processes of requesting documents and conducting Second Requests absorbed DOJ employees’ capacity for antitrust enforcement. “At one point, the office handling agriculture became so overwhelmed with cannabis investigations that it had to pull in attorneys from the communications, media, and technology offices,” Elias said at his hearing. The DOJ’s Office of Professional Responsibility (OPR) rejected Elias’ testimony, saying “it was reasonable for [the Antitrust Division] to seek additional information from the industry through its Second Request process.” However, 11 antitrust experts unanimously criticized the OPR’s letter and reasoning, in interviews by Just Security. Bill Baer, who led the Antitrust Division under former President Barack Obama, said the OPR memo was “neither persuasive nor conclusive.” As more farmers and advocates critique decades of lax agricultural antitrust enforcement, this exceptional and targeted scrutiny of the cannabis industry raises serious concerns about DOJ’s enforcement priorities. While the DOJ investigated cannabis mergers, the department permitted major deals between seed and agrichemical goliaths Bayer and Monsanto, and allowed the dominant cooperative Dairy Farmers of America to take over leading milk processor Dean Foods. Crop and dairy farmers have accused consolidated corporations in both industries of exacting abusive pricing power over seeds, agrichemicals, and the price of milk. During the 2019 fiscal year, the DOJ also failed to issue Second Requests for consequential agricultural mergers such as National Beef’s takeover of independent packer Iowa Premium. The Ranchers and Cattleman’s Legal Action Fund even urged the DOJ to investigate this merger because of its potential influence on cattle prices. Another former DOJ antitrust attorney, Peter Carstensen, told Food & Power that cannabis merger investigations may have also drawn attention away from the department’s investigations into agricultural collusion and market manipulation. The DOJ recently indicted poultry CEOs for price fixing – with potentially more charges to come – and opened an investigation into cattle market manipulation following a similar ongoing investigation by the Department of Agriculture (USDA). These recent investigations are encouraging developments, but these federal probes still do not cover the breadth of allegations of anti-competitive conduct in the food sector. Since 2016, private firms have brought class action suits against every major protein industry, alleging price fixing or wage fixing that harmed consumers, farmers, or workers. “There’s a lot there that ought to be the subject of some real focus,” said Carstensen. “Spending more time on marijuana [investigations] takes staff away from doing not just merger [probes] but all kinds of competition issues in agriculture.” Unfortunately, Carstensen noted, the Trump administration is far from the first to misdirect antitrust enforcement for personal or political reasons, as he mentioned instances of corrupted antitrust priorities – typically a lack of enforcement – dating back decades across administrations of both parties. To mitigate some of the corruption of antitrust enforcement, Carstensen added, the department needs more independent staff and stronger and clearer merger guidelines with explicit market share caps and presumptions of illegality. Find and share this story originally published on Food & Power. What We''re Reading
About the Open Markets InstituteThe Open Markets Institute promotes political, industrial, economic, and environmental resilience. We do so by documenting and clarifying the dangers of extreme consolidation, and by fostering discussions of ways to reestablish America’s political economy on a more stable and fair foundation. Follow F&P on Twitter | Subscribe to this Newsletter | F&P Website | Contact Us Written by Claire Kelloway
Edited by Michael Bluhm and Phil Longman Open Markets Institute 1440 G Street NW Washington D.C., 20005
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Dear Friends, I am writing to let you know about my first book: Monopolies Suck: 7 Ways Big Corporations Rule Your Life and How to Take Back Control, which Simon and Schuster is publishing today. We are at a watershed moment for antitrust enforcement, and the anti-monopoly movement seems to grow stronger by the day. But antitrust is still largely an ivory-tower topic relegated to the domain of lawyers and economists. Most citizens know that there’s something wrong and that huge corporations have too much power, but they don’t know what a monopolized America really means to them. I wrote Monopolies Suck to help people understand how monopolies make their lives harder every day, in order to inspire them to rise up, support anti-monopoly candidates and reforms, and join the anti-monopoly movement. I made the book extremely accessible and even used cartoons, just as the anti-monopoly movement did at the turn of the century to engage citizens. Here’s a sneak preview of a cartoon in my book, featured at the beginning of chapter about how monopolies amplify inequality. As a former antitrust enforcer at the New York attorney general’s office, I also give an easy-to-understand antitrust 101 lesson. I explain that today’s tech giants are breaking the antitrust laws just as Microsoft did and that Big Tech is only the beginning of our monopolized economy. I also paint a positive vision for readers, because, as I said in my recent House Judiciary antitrust subcommittee testimony, we’ve been under monopoly rule for so long that we’re suffering from a crisis of imagination of what life could look like without concentrated corporate power. In the last year or so, I’ve testified three times before Congress, testified before the New York Senate, advised state antitrust enforcers, and had my work cited throughout the House antitrust subcommittee’s 450-page digital platforms report. But it became clear to me that I needed to reach citizens, workers, entrepreneurs, small business owners, creators, taxpayers, and those fighting for social and environmental justice, in order to help build the power needed to loosen monopolies’ grip. We’ve defeated monopolies before, and we can do it again – and my book aims to shatter the myth that change is not possible or realistic. Today’s robber barons are really no different than those same networked industries whose power we overcame before, whether railroad monopolists or AT&T. And, frankly, with our democracy, the American dream, our livelihoods, and our habitat at stake, continuing under the status quo is simply not an option. My mission in writing Monopolies Suck – to raise awareness among all citizens about how monopoly power underlies our everyday struggles and destroys our country – can only succeed if people read the book. And that’s why I’m asking you to check out the book, share it with a friend, post about it on social media, or spread the word in any way you can. I appreciate you for being a part of the anti-monopoly movement, and at this exciting time, when we are finally seeing a spark of the change we’ve so long been fighting for, we must build on that momentum to bring everyone along with us. We’re at a tipping point, and soon we will be unstoppable. Thank you for your support, Sally Hubbard “Sally Hubbard is a rare combination: a former antitrust enforcer who knows the law deeply and a sharp, pull-no-punches writer. In this light, accessible guide, Hubbard shows how today’s corporate giants are breaking the laws intended to protect you—and what you can do about it.” —Zephyr Teachout, author of Break ‘Em Up: Recovering Our Freedom from Big Ag, Big Tech, and Big Money Open Markets Institute
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Did someone forward you this newsletter? Photo courtesy of Guy Mullins via Flickr Supreme Court Weighs Corporate Liability for Child Laborers on Cocoa Farms Last Tuesday, the Supreme Court heard arguments about whether the world’s largest cocoa corporations are liable for child slavery in their supply chains. For 15 years, six citizens of Mali who were trafficked as children to work on cocoa farms have sought legal damages from Cargill and Nestle USA under a 240-year-old anti-piracy law. The plaintiffs’ attorney told the court that the corporations “maintain a system of child slavery and forced labor in their Ivory Coast supply chain as a matter of corporate policy to gain a competitive advantage in the U.S. market.” Cargill and Nestle deny this charge, saying that they work to avoid child slavery in their supply chains, not aid and abet it. Those who directly perpetrate forced child labor – farmers and human traffickers, in other words – should be held liable, the defendants argue. The case raises bigger questions about corporate power and accountability in global supply chains. While large corporations do not direct farmers to use child labor, the low prices they offer for cocoa keep farmers in poverty and leave them with few desperate avenues for survival. Large chocolate processors and manufacturers have the wealth and ability to pay farmers more and better monitor their supply chains, but they make more money by not doing so. Instead, the poorest and least powerful players – the farmers – bear most the risks and responsibilities for improving farming practices. This lawsuit is one attempt to redistribute responsibility and seek justice, but advocates say it’s time for new rules and enforcement measures. “If you need a 240-year-old law [to] try and claim that multinationals might be partly responsible for slavery in their supply chain … then you really need to go back to the drawing board,” says Antonie Fountain, managing director of the Voice Network, an umbrella group of cocoa reform NGOs. "We need proper regulations that understand what a multinational corporation is and how corporations should be held accountable.” More than 80% of the bulk or commodity cocoa that major chocolate traders and manufacturers buy comes from just four West African countries, with Cote D’Ivoire and Ghana producing 60% of all cocoa globally. This market comprises hundreds of thousands of poor smallholder farmers and a handful of giant multinational corporations. Just five international processors and traders purchase roughly half of West African cocoa, and six chocolate companies use 40% of the world’s cocoa. Chocolate manufacturers reap large profits while West African cocoa farmers live on dollars a day. Nestle’s 2019 sales were roughly the size of Ghana and Cote D’Ivoire’s GDPs combined. While the corporation has spent some $250 million on child labor remediation over the past decade, in this same period Nestle spent a whopping $46 billion buying back its own stock to benefit shareholders. All while the median West African cocoa farmer lives well below the global poverty line, making just $1,900 per year. These inequities between wealthy, largely European and American companies and small farmers in the global south go far back, argues Anna Canning, campaign manager for the Fair World Project. “The fundamentals of the cocoa trade are anchored in colonial dynamics,” Canning says. “Forced labor and exploitation are baked into the entire processing and pricing structure that we have for cocoa.” Most West African child laborers work on their parents’ cocoa farms, because farming families cannot afford to pay for school expenses or hired labor. A smaller fraction are trafficking victims from surrounding countries, such as the plaintiffs, many of whom are not permitted to return home, experience threats and physical violence, and never receive any payment. In addition to missing school, dangerous work with machetes and agrichemicals threatens child cocoa workers’ long-term health and development. Child labor is illegal in all West African cocoa-producing countries, yet the phenomenon has only grown in the recent decades. In 2009, there were an estimated 1.8 million children working in West African cocoa cultivation; by 2015, there were an estimated 2.1 million. During this same time period, chocolate corporations made several promises to eradicate child labor and slavery from their supply chains, but all these promises have failed. In 2001, the U.S. House of Representatives passed former Rep. Eliot Engel’s bill requiring corporations to label chocolate made with child labor. In response, the Ivory Coast government and major chocolate corporations – including Nestle – signed the Harkin-Engle Protocol, which committed them to create child labor labels and eradicate child labor entirely by 2005, in order to avoid federal regulation. Engel’s proposed law never passed the Senate, and corporations never met these ambitious goals, nor new weaker commitments set for 2007, 2010, and 2020. This is not to say that corporations have done nothing. Canning notes that Nestle in 2012 implemented “one of the better child labor monitoring and remediating systems in the industry,” and, according to corporate reports, this system helped half of some 7,000 identified children stop doing hazardous work. But promises to label products are largely off the table, Nestle can still only trace 44% of its cocoa to the farmer coop level, and child labor throughout the West African cocoa industry is on the rise. Because such corporate programs are voluntary, chocolate corporations face no meaningful consequence for unfulfilled commitments. Meanwhile, the bulk of the costs for adhering to improved labor and environmental practices and consequences for noncompliance, such as losing a third-party certification and associated premiums, falls on farmers. “I think that’s passing the buck from the people who have the most power in the supply chain to the people who have the least,” says Canning. Absent modern regulations, lawyers since the 1980s have resurrected a 1789 anti-piracy law, the Alien Torts Statute (ATS), to seek justice for international human rights violations in cocoa and other industries. While modern courts have ruled that individuals can be held liable for violating “universal” norms abroad under the ATS, they have been split about whether liability extends to corporations. Nestle and Cargill’s petition to throw out their ATS charges before the Supreme Court may settle this debate. At last week’s oral argument, Justice Elena Kagan questioned the corporations’ claim to immunity. “If you could bring a suit against 10 slaveholders, [then] when those 10 slaveholders form a corporation, why can’t you bring a suit against the corporation?” she asked. Justice Samuel Alito echoed this view, saying the petitioners’ arguments for immunity abroad “lead to results that are pretty hard to take.” However, Judges also questioned whether the trafficked childrens’ lawyers could really claim that Cargill and Nestle “aided and abetted” their enslavement by buying cocoa. Even if the court does side with the plaintiffs, Fountain argues that the ATS is an outdated and imperfect statute for holding corporations to account for human rights violations. In recent years, the European Union has explored due diligence laws, which would create systems for monitoring, identifying, and remediating human rights violations across all different types of global supply chains. They would also establish meaningful enforcement mechanisms and create “commensurate and persuasive” penalties for multinationals’ violations. Even some chocolate corporations have come out in support of due diligence regulations. These systems may create new incentives for corporations to root out child labor in their supply chains, but there still remains the massive question: how? While many in the cocoa industry agree on the need for increased transparency and traceability, experts disagree about whether and how cocoa buyers can address the root cause of child labor: farmer poverty. Notably, Nestle and other large manufacturers never propose paying more for cocoa (that is, not beyond a modest premium for a certified product). A report by the Voice Network estimates that the farm gate price for cocoa in Ghana and Cote d’Ivoire needs to be roughly 75% higher (up from about $1,800 per metric ton to more than $3,100) in order for farmers to earn a living income. Instead, corporations and some economists contend that increasing farmer productivity is the key to lifting West African cocoa household incomes. But farmers will need to spend more on better trees or new farming techniques. “We don’t see data that can properly communicate that there’s a return on investment for increased productivity,” says Fountain. Further, if all farmers boost their yield, that could exacerbate the cocoa oversupply that’s currently driving down prices, Fountain adds. Canning, Fountain, and others argue that corporations need to first pay more for cocoa to reflect the costs of production. Without a living income for farmers, no amount of tracking or building schools can counteract the incentives to use child labor. “We need to acknowledge that a living income for farmers is a human right and a given,” says Canning. “It’s not a finish, it’s not the silver bullet that is going to fix 500 years of systemic inequity and under-investment, but it’s a start.” Cocoa producing countries agree. Just last year, Ghana and Cote D’Ivoire took steps to charge a fixed “living income differential” of $400 on every ton of cocoa. Last week, the countries canceled all of Hershey’s sustainability programs in the region after the corporation tried to avoid this fee by buying some 30,000 tons of stockpiled cocoa off the commodities exchange instead of from the Ghana and Cote D’Ivoire cocoa board. Child labor advocates welcome the countries’ intervention, though it remains to be seen how much of this premium will make it to farmers. Further, the pay bump only puts cocoa prices back to where they were a few years ago, which is still well below estimates of a living income for farmers. Cocoa manufacturers and traders say that they cannot unilaterally begin to pay more for cocoa, that it would interfere with markets and put them at a competitive disadvantage. Fountain disagrees. “I am OK with the free market doing its proper job when there are countervailing powers creating the right price,” he says. “That theory falls to hell when you have millions of farmers with no market power at all.” He argues that large companies can afford to pay farmers more, with no cost or minimal costs to consumers. For instance, the Ferrero Rocher company paid their family owners a $779 million dividend at the start of 2020. Had the corporation directly given every single cocoa household it sources from a living income of $5,500 for the year, the corporation still could have paid the Ferrero family $233 million, Fountain estimates. Find and share this story originally published on Food & Power. What We''re Reading
About the Open Markets InstituteThe Open Markets Institute promotes political, industrial, economic, and environmental resilience. We do so by documenting and clarifying the dangers of extreme consolidation, and by fostering discussions of ways to reestablish America’s political economy on a more stable and fair foundation. Follow F&P on Twitter | Subscribe to this Newsletter | F&P Website | Contact Us Written by Claire Kelloway
Edited by Michael Bluhm and Phil Longman Open Markets Institute 1440 G Street NW Washington D.C., 20005
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Did someone forward you this newsletter? Photo courtesy of iStock by Getty Images USDA Continues to Lift Meat Processing Line Speed Limits During Pandemic, Threatening Frontline Workers and Consumers While the country grapples with the COVID-19 crisis, USDA food safety officials have been making decisions that could further sicken Americans and threaten frontline food workers. In the past month, the USDA Food Safety and Inspection Service (FSIS) allowed four poultry plants to increase their processing speeds and granted an unprecedented waiver for a beef plant to operate at faster speeds with fewer inspectors on the line. The agency also accepted applications for controversial changes in pork slaughter and welcomed a new food safety chief with deep industry ties. As COVID-19 creates new safety risks for both meat processing workers and federal FSIS inspectors, plants need to figure out how to protect workers while also ensuring a safe supply of meat for the country. As plants face shortages of workers and inspectors, advocates argue that processing lines should respond by slowing down. Instead, the USDA continues to grant waivers that allow plants to run at faster speeds with fewer inspectors on the line. “As FSIS is struggling to keep plants properly staffed and inspectors properly protected during the COVID-19 crisis, it somehow found time to pull out the stops for industry,” said Tony Corbo, senior government affairs representative for Food & Water Action, in a statement. “If you cannot meet your staffing standards, then you’re going to have to tell the plants to slow down,” Corbo added in an interview. Recent Waivers Part of Broader Slaughter Deregulation at USDA Line speed increases and federal inspector reductions are part of a broader USDA overhaul of meat processing regulations that predates the current crisis. Called the New Poultry Inspection System (NPIS) and the New Swine Inspection System (NSIS), these inspection regimes aim to reduce the number of USDA inspector spot-checks and move more safety testing off-site. Proponents say this will improve safety and mitigate chronic shortages of FSIS inspectors, and they point to 20-year pilot programs at select pork and poultry locations that found the systems to be safe. But accounts from whistleblowers and investigations by government watchdogs and advocacy groups have questioned the results of these pilot programs and have argued the new systems increase food safety risks. Most critically, NPIS and NSIS shift some federal inspector duties to plant employees, which, critics argue, amounts to self-regulation. The new systems also increase or eliminate line processing speeds, even though studies show that doing so increases the risk of worker injury. But because FSIS only assesses these systems for their food safety outcomes, the USDA has been able to implement these programs despite their demonstrated risk to workers. The Obama administration implemented NPIS in 2012, and the Trump administration added insult to injury by allowing poultry processors to apply for waivers to increase line speeds to 175 birds per minute. Trump’s USDA also implemented NSIS last year. The deadline for plants to announce their switch to NSIS was March 30, and, according to FOIAs filed by Corbo, two pork plants have applied, though the USDA would not disclose their names. NSIS implementation has been challenged by three separate lawsuits alleging that the system will result in fewer evaluations of potentially diseased animals, less humane animal treatment, and increased lacerations and musculoskeletal disorders for workers, among other harms. Labor, food safety, and animal welfare organizations raised similar concerns (and similar lawsuits) with increased poultry processing speeds, as well. Pandemic Raises Unprecedented Risks for Workers The systemic shock of COVID-19 only amplifies these concerns. Slaughterhouse workers and federal food safety inspectors are putting themselves at great risk to keep meat available to consumers. Several clusters of meat processing workers have tested positive for the virus, and at least three have died. Meanwhile, federal meat inspectors have also come down with COVID-19, and one has died. Some meat processing plants have slowed operations, and this week one Tyson plant and one JBS plant closed after a significant number of workers contracted the virus. Workers and inspectors have criticized the response to the virus by both meatpackers and the USDA, and workers and inspectors have requested more protective equipment and paid sick leave, among other things. Recent waivers to increase line speeds at poultry and beef plants, in particular, could make workers’ jobs even more unsafe and uncertain. Last week, the USDA approved four waivers for poultry plants to run with fewer inspectors at 175 birds per minute. One of the plants, Foster Farms in Kelso, Washington, has a long history of repeated food safety violations and links to regional and national salmonella outbreaks. FSIS also waived some line speed and staffing requirements for a Tyson beef packing plant in Holcomb, Kansas, marking the first attempt to deregulate beef slaughter. Paula Schelling, acting president for the food inspectors union in the American Federation of Government Employees, which represents some 6,500 FSIS inspectors, says these waivers can suddenly change existing inspectors’ duties before they are trained into the new system. “Plants are jumping left and right to get this waiver to operate with less inspectors on the line. That impact is truly huge,” says Schelling. “They’ve virtually changed the condition of employment for that food inspector and not given them the tools to be able to perform the job in those plants that have just been granted waivers.” Schelling says the waiver to decrease the number of required federal inspectors and increase line speeds at the Tyson beef packing plant is particularly concerning because the program is unprecedented and unknown. Unlike pork and poultry, beef processing did not undergo any pilot programs for this new inspection regime. “I think it’s just a disaster waiting to happen,” says Schelling. “I don’t know enough about how the agency is going to implement this … But right now, I believe it is going to be harmful for everybody.” Sarah Little, a spokesperson for the North American Meat Institute, said worker safety is meatpackers’ first priority and noted that several of their members have increased sanitation, offered paid sick leave, and given hazard pay to reward and protect essential employees. (Reporting from ProPublica outlines the COVID-19 worker-protection policies of nine major meat corporations as of late March.) In response to food safety concerns regarding NSIS, Little called these claims “outrageous” and accused organizations of inciting panic during a crisis. In regard to line speed increases, Little could not comment on the poultry industry but said that, for pork, “plant line speeds change often due to various factors like worker availability” and that “FSIS inspectors make the ultimate determination on line speed to ensure the operation is maintaining food safety and worker safety controls.” Industry-Friendly System a Product of USDA’s Revolving Door New meat inspection systems and line speed increases in poultry, pork, and now beef processing have been overseen by a long line of FSIS directors with cozy ties to the meat industry. Barbara Masters, the head FSIS administrator from 2005 to 2007, currently serves as the vice president for regulatory policy at Tyson Foods, which received three recent line speed waivers from FSIS, including the first for a beef plant. Her successor at FSIS, Al Almanza, served as administrator for 12 years and oversaw implementation of the NPIS and NSIS before taking a job as the global head of food safety and quality for the world’s largest meatpacker, JBS. And on Monday, the Senate quietly confirmed Mindy Brashears as the next FSIS administrator after she had served as acting administrator for more than a year. Formerly a food researcher as Texas Tech University, Brashears accepted hundreds of thousands in consulting fees from various agribusinesses, including $100,000 to testify on behalf of a meat corporation in a “pink slime” defamation lawsuit. Some of her research at Texas Tech was also industry-sponsored, and a lobbyist for the National Cattlemen’s Beef Association said her initial nomination was “great news for us here in the industry.” “In the Trump administration at USDA, there is a lot of industry conflicts at the same time that scientific capacity has taken a beating,” said Karen Perry Stillerman, senior analyst for the Union of Concerned Scientists’ Food & Environment Program. “You have fewer researchers to do the kind of independent, unbiased research that policymakers need, and you have policymakers whose perspective is skewed to what the industry wants, and that is just not a good recipe for food safety, workers’ safety, sustainable practices, and our environment – or really anything that’s in the public interest.” Find and share this story originally published on Food & Power. What We''re Reading
About the Open Markets InstituteThe Open Markets Institute promotes political, industrial, economic, and environmental resilience. We do so by documenting and clarifying the dangers of extreme consolidation, and by fostering discussions of ways to reestablish America’s political economy on a more stable and fair foundation. Follow F&P on Twitter | Subscribe to this Newsletter | F&P Website | Contact Us Written by Claire Kelloway
Edited by Michael Bluhm and Phil Longman Open Markets Institute 1440 G Street NW Washington D.C., 20005
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The European Union is preparing to file formal antitrust charges against Amazon. The DOJ and state AGs are readying antitrust lawsuits targeting Google's advertising business. Joe Biden and Nancy Pelosi made serious calls for revoking or reforming Facebook's protections under Section 230, which could force an end to its surveillance and advertising-based profit model, while state AGs continue their own antitrust investigations. As the House Antitrust Subcommittee finalizes its recommendations for reining in the platforms, the underlying sources of their many harms - monopoly power and profit models - are increasingly at the center of the conversation.
Over the last few weeks, and alongside a growing network of allies, it's a conversation we've been laser-focused on driving forward as tech's summer of antitrust heats up.
- In "As the Techlash Heats Up, Here's Who's Stoking the Fire," Axios credited Economic Liberties as a key driver of the "techlash" that's stayed on message while the platforms attempt to profit off the pandemic.
- With the Freedom from Facebook and Google coalition, Economic Liberties launched digital ad campaigns targeting investors around Facebook and Google's spring shareholder meetings. Our Executive Director Sarah Miller talked to Politico about both campaigns' efforts to draw attention to how their business models rely on supercharging toxic content.
- As Facebook and Google spread conspiracy theories about protesters and Black Lives Matter, Economic Liberties released "Ending Our Click-Bait Culture: Why Progressives Must Break the Power of Facebook and Google," a straightforward Q&A profiled in Axios that explains why antitrust, combined with changing the way that Facebook and Google make money, is the only way to sustainably address their range of harms.
-More than 200 experts and advocates (and tech lobbyists!) joined us for "Making Facebook and Google Safe for Democracy," our virtual event on reforming Section 230 which featured a lively conversation between Economic Liberties ED Sarah Miller and Congresswoman Jan Schakowsky (D-Ill.), who serves as Chair of the House Subcommittee on Consumer Protection and Commerce and is drafting new legislation, as well as a discussion with Karen Kornbluh, Senior Fellow and Director of the Digital Innovation and Democracy Initiative at the German Marshall Fund of the United States, and Economic Liberties' Research Director Matt Stoller. Read Bloomberg's coverage here.
- In his popular newsletter BIG, Matt Stoller wrote about how Amazon is refusing to disclose basic information about its businesses to Congress, regulators, and investors to mask its monopoly power.
- We kept our eye on other platforms, too. Writing for The Washington Post, Senior Fellow Maureen Tkacik exposed how restaurant delivery apps abuse restaurants, workers, and consumers by taking a page out of Amazon's playbook. Our advocacy helped train fire on and ultimately derail Uber's planned merger with GrubHub.
- And Economic Liberties' Research Director Matt Stoller dug into Spotify's effort to control independent podcasting in ProMarket, detailing why we should worry about their attempts to monetize and intermediate the podcasting market.
News From Around the Network:
- Gene Sperling, who led the National Economic Council under President Obama, talked to Kara Swisher about breaking up Facebook and the importance of fresh, new thinking on antitrust for promoting economic dignity.
- In the wake of Mark Zuckerberg's decision to allow President Trump to use the platform to incite violence against protesters for racial justice, Senator Chris Murphy called for breaking up Facebook, while Public Knowledge and New America's Open Technology Institute severed their financial ties.
- Facebook and other tech platforms launched a new political organization, American Edge, to try to halt accelerating antitrust momentum, while the Washington Post exposed Big Tech's astroturf efforts to co-opt small businesses.
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Did someone forward you this newsletter? BREAKING: Poultry Executives Indicted for Price-Fixing Yesterday, The Wall Street Journal reported that several current and former poultry industry executives, including the CEO of Pilgrim’s Pride, were indicted on charges of price-fixing and bid-rigging chicken sold to restaurants and grocery stores from 2012 to 2017. Wholesale chicken prices climbed 11% during this period. The indictment draws on text messages and other communications suggesting executives at Pilgrim’s Pride, owned by JBS, and Claxton Poultry Farms coordinated to raise their prices and avoid competing with one another on bids to supply restaurant chains. These are the first charges in an ongoing antitrust probe by the Justice Department into poultry price-fixing. Several lawsuits allege that dominant poultry and pork companies conspired to coordinate production, fix prices, and suppress workers’ wages. The five largest corporations control 61% of the U.S. chicken industry, which makes collusion easier than in a less concentrated industry. Photo courtesy of iStock by Getty Images Farmers Join Labor Union in Call to Protect Workers, Citing Need for Farmer Labor Solidarity A group of farmers and ranchers last week joined the leading meatpacking workers’ union to demand greater protections for meatpacking workers, acknowledging a shared fight against mistreatment by large meatpackers in the wake of COVID-19. Dakota Rural Action (DRA), Northern Plains Resource Council, Western Colorado Alliance, and the Western Organization of Resource Councils, along with the United Food and Commercial Workers International Union (UFCW), released a statement last Thursday urging meatpacking corporations and public officials to immediately halt all line speed waivers in meatpacking plants, mandate distancing inside plants, and increase worker testing and protective equipment, among other measures. The groups represent more than 250,000 meatpacking workers and 15,000 rural organizers, many of whom are farmers and ranchers. “We’re definitely aligned and have sympathies for the workers in the plants because we all feel like we’re being taken advantage of by those companies,” says Kathryn Bedell, a rancher and member of the Colorado Agricultural Commission. Ranchers pointed to historic alliances between farmers, workers, and consumers that helped spur meatpacking reforms as reason to revive those coalitions today. “The greater group of people you put together, the greater change you can implement … if you want to develop a new supply chain and you need input from the whole chain,” says Bedell. COVID-19 has sickened and killed many meatpacking workers and disrupted the livestock industry. To date, at least 21,230 meatpacking workers have tested positive for COVID-19, and at least 77 have died, according to data collected by the Food and Environment Reporting Network. Outbreaks among workers shuttered many plants in March and April, bringing as much as 30% and 14% of hog and beef processing capacity offline, respectively. Shutdowns created a backlog of slaughter-ready animals, which lowered livestock values. Hog farmers and egg producers have had to euthanize livestock to correct for sudden oversupply, and some contracts have been abruptly canceled. Meanwhile, grocery stores face meat shortages, and consumer prices are up. On April 28, President Donald Trump used the Defense Production Act to declare food processing critical infrastructure and to reopen plants under unenforceable joint safety guidelines from the CDC and OSHA. Of the more than 260 meatpacking plants with confirmed coronavirus cases, only one is currently closed. The number of meatpacking workers with confirmed cases of COVID-19 has more than quadrupled since April 28. As cases and deaths continue to rise, unions and advocates argue that meatpacking corporations and public officials have not done enough to protect meatpacking workers, roughly half of whom are immigrants facing immense pressure to return to reopened plants for fear of losing their jobs and health insurance. The UFCW calls for increasing testing and access to PPE, halting waivers that allow plants to operate at faster speeds, and reconfiguring plants to distance workers, even if this means slowing line speeds. Last week’s statement aligns several farmer and rancher organizations behind these demands. “We do need to figure out a way to keep these cattle moving through the system, but we can’t sacrifice peoples’ health and their lives,” says Steve Charter, a third-generation rancher from Billings, Montana and board member of the Northern Plains Resource Council, which joined the statement with the UFCW. “It’s more important that we have some solidarity with the people who are not served by this whole system.” The National Farmers Union, which represents 200,000 members, was not a part of this recent statement, but the farmer organization also supports stronger worker protections including mandatory distancing within plants, providing testing and PPE, and paid sick leave, according to a statement from President Rob Larew sent to Food & Power. “The people who feed us deserve to feel safe in their workplaces. But protecting workers is also critical to farmers’ livelihoods, food security, and rural public health,” Larew said. Rural communities with meatpacking plants have five times more COVID-19 cases per capita than other rural communities. The nation’s largest farmer organization, the American Farm Bureau Federation, did not respond for request to comment on this issue. Charter and Bedell emphasized the importance of allying with workers to push for both immediate COVID-19 protections and longer-term food system reforms that will benefit food producers, workers, and also consumers. “None of these big companies have any interests but their own, and if we’re going to change that, it’s got to be a coalition of everybody that is not served well by this present system,” says Charter. Both Charter and Bedell cited increased antitrust enforcement and fair dealing regulations as ways to target the corporate power that exploits both farmers and workers and to level the playing field for small to midsized players to support more regional and resilient food systems. They drew inspiration from past movements in which farmer and labor alliances pushed for the passage of the Sherman and Clayton antitrust acts. “I imagine what we need is regional-sized processing spread out throughout the country,” says Bedell. She explained that it would be easier to put distance between workers and slow line speeds in smaller plants, adding that these plants would not knock out a substantial portion of production capacity if any one of them closed. Bedell says decades of policy choices, including lax antitrust enforcement, have squeezed out these smaller regional players. “Government in agriculture encouraged the ‘get big or get out’ thing … [but] maybe that efficiency is not worth the price we’re paying for it,” she said. The UFCW has supported stronger anti-monopoly enforcement in agriculture by showing up to Justice Department hearings on the Packers and Stockyards Act (PSA) and submitting comments in support of rule-making to strengthen PSA enforcement. UFCW also stood with ranching groups in support of mandatory country-of-origin labeling, though the union did not call for increased antitrust enforcement in this statement. Find and share this story originally published on Food & Power. What We''re Reading: Resources on Anti-Black Racism in the Food System In this moment of national reckoning and mourning following the murder of George Floyd by the Minneapolis police, it is important to recognize and condemn systemic racism, including racism in the food system. American agriculture was built on the seizure of the land from Native Americans and the enslavement of black people, and the U.S. food system continues to perpetuate racial inequities today. We recommend these resources to learn more about anti-black racism in the U.S. food system:
About the Open Markets InstituteThe Open Markets Institute promotes political, industrial, economic, and environmental resilience. We do so by documenting and clarifying the dangers of extreme consolidation, and by fostering discussions of ways to reestablish America’s political economy on a more stable and fair foundation. Follow F&P on Twitter | Subscribe to this Newsletter | F&P Website | Contact Us Written by Claire Kelloway
Edited by Michael Bluhm and Phil Longman Open Markets Institute 1440 G Street NW Washington D.C., 20005
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PLEASE JOIN OUR PUBLIC CONVERSATION WITHSen. Cory Booker and Dr. Mary HendricksonTO LAUNCH A GROUNDBREAKING REPORT,
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Did someone forward you this newsletter? Photo courtesy of iStock by Getty Images Consolidated and Inflexible Food Supply Chains Drive Both Shortages and Waste COVID-19 has upended America’s food supply. With the loss of big buyers in restaurants and school districts, farmers without a place to sell their foods are dumping milk, tilling crops back into the ground, and euthanizing egg-laying hens. At the same time, people wait hours in unprecedented food pantry lines, consumers cannot find eggs or flour in grocery stores, and meat processors fear shortages as COVID-19 outbreaks among workers take plants offline. Food resiliency experts say this tragic combination of food waste and shortages have a shared cause: rigid and consolidated supply chains. “If you pull out one little thing in that specialized, centralized, consolidated chain, then everything crashes,” says Mary Hendrickson, a rural sociology professor at University of Missouri. “Now we have an animal welfare catastrophe, an environmental catastrophe, a farmer catastrophe, and a worker catastrophe altogether, and we can trace a lot of this back to the pursuit of efficiency.” For decades, pro-corporate policies have built a food system that puts financiers’ interests above all other outcomes. The drive for short-term profit maximization pushed businesses along the food chain to neglect infrastructure investments, cut safety measures or emergency stockpiles, and get big or get out. Such consolidation and ruinous competition drove out a diversity of food producers, processors, and distributors and left a handful of very large buyers dealing with equally large sellers. Large economies of scale and increasingly specialized or vertically integrated production can lower costs and maximize profits, but it also creates a rigid and centralized food chain that is more vulnerable to disruption. By contrast, a healthy mix of large and small food producers, processing plants, and distributors would have more safeguards and avenues to rechannel products if any part of the food chain were to break. Unfortunately, many mid-sized and regional players have gone out of business or been acquired by larger competitors. At the same time, public food infrastructure that also played a role in managing disruptions and supporting diverse supply chains, such as public produce terminals, has lost support and shriveled up. “There is some basic infrastructure that used to be in place that is no longer, as the food system became privatized and vertically integrated,” says Michelle Miller, associate director of the University of Wisconsin’s Center for Integrated Agricultural Systems. “We’ve been left with these really large supply chains that don’t have a way for a more resilient, smaller scale system to undergird those big systems.” In the meat industry, for instance, just more than 50 factories now process 98% of the nation’s beef. The same holds for pork: Following industry consolidation in the late 1980s and 1990s, the portion of U.S. hogs slaughtered in massive, million-head capacity plants rose from 38% to 88% in just two decades. Losing even one of these large processing plants can rattle entire livestock markets (as ranchers saw when a fire took out a Kansas beef plant this summer). Larger plants also concentrate more workers in close quarters, causing some of the largest clusters of COVID-19 outbreaks among workers in the country. At least 11 massive meat processing plants shut down this month, reducing production capacity by roughly 20% for both pork and beef. Hendrickson argues that a more diverse network of both small and regional meat processing may have been able to mitigate risks and absorb production from closed facilities. “What if we had regional pack facilities like we used to have? Would we have 20% of the pork processing capacity closed because of worker sickness?” asks Hendrickson. “It would just be less likely.” Consolidation also drives specialization and inflexibility. Many food producers are locked into contracts to grow specific foods for a specific purpose, sometimes for just one dominant buyer. While highly specialized products and plants create consistency and efficiency, these rigid supply chains cannot easily redirect their products to different uses if things go awry. Take the case of eggs. Farmers such as the Mergens in Minnesota raise laying hens on contract. The Mergens’ 61,000-bird operation was specifically designed to supply eggs for pre-cracked fluid-egg mixes, used almost exclusively in food service. Most of what they produced went to one Cargill plant that temporarily shut down this week due to lost restaurant and food service customers. Even though grocery stores report egg shortages, grading eggs for retail requires special equipment and likely new contracts with a different large buyer. Instead, the corporation that the Mergens raised hens for, Daybreak Foods, decided to euthanize the Mergens’ flock and sell the birds to a rendering plant to become pet food. To be sure, shifting entire business models built around serving restaurants or adjusting to sudden systemic labor shortages is no easy task for any system. Some foods are trapped in institutional channels because the FDA requires different labeling for consumer-facing goods. And even if all surplus foods could make it to grocery stores, it’s not clear that home cooks’ demand for fresh fruits and vegetables could match that of restaurants. When it comes to storing or donating surplus foods, government and food bank cold storage is already maxed out, in part because the USDA bought up frozen meats that would have been sold to China, as part of the agency’s trade war relief earlier this year. All this taken into account, Miller and Hendrickson still contend that less centralized food systems with a stronger mix of public, nonprofit, and private players could more readily adapt to the COVID-19 crisis. Both scholars noted that the smallest and most local food providers, such as local farms providing CSA shares, have reacted quickly to the crisis and benefited from a spike in demand for direct food sales. “If you look at what the small farmers are doing, they’re changing on a dime to online ordering systems and delivery,” says Hendrickson. “Those organizations that have the most flexibility and latitude to change are going to be really important in the future.” Finally, Miller and Hendrickson stressed the role that public food infrastructure could play in supporting mid-sized producers, responding to shocks, and serving communities cut out of consolidated supply chains. Miller pointed to the role that the USDA Agriculture Marketing Service played in managing disruptions to food systems following the Dust Bowl drought and Great Depression. She also touted the benefit of public food wholesale markets, or food terminals, that provided accessible markets for producers of all sizes to sell and aggregate their products for distribution. “We see [public food terminals] having a huge potential benefit not only for the flow of wholesale food, but also for the emergency food system,” says Miller. She has been participating in an effort to open pop-up food terminals near Native American reservations and other rural areas that are not well served by existing food supply chains.
Find and share this story originally published on Food & Power. What We''re Reading
About the Open Markets InstituteThe Open Markets Institute promotes political, industrial, economic, and environmental resilience. We do so by documenting and clarifying the dangers of extreme consolidation, and by fostering discussions of ways to reestablish America’s political economy on a more stable and fair foundation. Follow F&P on Twitter | Subscribe to this Newsletter | F&P Website | Contact Us Written by Claire Kelloway
Edited by Michael Bluhm and Phil Longman Open Markets Institute 1440 G Street NW Washington D.C., 20005
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No images? Click here Welcome to The Corner. In this issue, we discuss Open Markets’ recent FTC comment regarding the proposed vertical merger guidelines and present Open Markets’ views on the Supreme Court’s 2018 decision in Ohio v. American Express. To read previous editions of The Corner, click here. Open Markets Rejects Proposed Vertical Merger Guidelines, Suggests New Standards
Open Markets Institute filed a comment last week with the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) and the Department of Justice (DOJ) on their newly proposed vertical merger guidelines. These guidelines would regulate how the agencies analyze the potentially anti-competitive effects of vertical mergers. The proposed guidelines do not remedy the shortcomings of the vertical merger guidelines that have been in effect since 1984, we write. These shortcomings have become only more evident in today’s era, when immense online platforms such as Google, Facebook, and Amazon operate in multiple markets simultaneously. Vertical mergers pose unique threats to the market, and the proposed guidelines do not address them. Vertically integrated corporations can abuse their market power by squeezing competitors both downstream and upstream in the supply chain. In some cases, this situation causes vertically integrated corporations to compete directly with the companies that depend on the corporation’s services, in ways that create clear conflicts of interest. As an example of these conflicts of interest, Amazon exploits its monopoly position to sell Amazon-produced books or electronics in direct competition with the books and electronics produced by independent publishers and manufacturers. Vertical mergers also suppress competition by driving out of business the downstream and upstream firms most likely to prosper and compete in the future with the acquiring firm. Prior to the subversion of antitrust law in the 1970s, the U.S. generally outlawed vertical mergers in which a supplier of a vital service would enter a line of business that put it into competition with its own customers. OMI and its allies call on the FTC and the DOJ to draft new guidelines consistent with the letter and spirit of the ClaytonAct, which was intended to stop mergers that threaten competitive market structures or tend to create a monopoly. As a model, the agencies should look to the DOJ’s 1968 Merger Guidelines, which prohibit mergers with clear, easy-to-understand market share thresholds. The 1968 guidelines also explicitly reject the argument that an otherwise illegal vertical merger should be allowed because it would create productive efficiencies. We urge the DOJ and FTC to reject their proposed guidelines. Read OMI’s entire comment here. For further reading on the dangers of vertical integration and on the history of U.S. regulation of such corporate structures, Lina Khan’s article The Separation of Platforms and Commerce, in the Columbia Law Review, provides an excellent overview. Khan wrote this article largely while working as director of legal policy for the Open Markets Institute. More Corporations Embrace Bogus Notion of Two-Sided Markets, As OMI Warned Supreme Court Bloomberg Law reported last week that a growing number of corporations are using a novel argument - that they are doing business in “two-sided markets” - to protect themselves against antitrust claims. Recent examples include Goldman Sachs and the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA). The Open Markets Institute has helped lead efforts during the last two years to demonstrate the political and economic dangers of the idea that markets have two “sides,” which was first accepted by the Supreme Court in the Ohio v. American Express case in 2018. Under this defense, powerful corporations claim that otherwise illegal actions against suppliers of goods and services in one market should be allowed because they ultimately benefit the end buyer, or consumer, in a separate market. For example, in the case of credit cards, corporations such as American Express and Visa claim that the way they treat merchants in the market for credit card services should be judged by whether this allows them to deliver lower prices or better terms to consumers in the entirely separate market for consumer credit. In arguing against the principle of two-sided markets, the Open Markets Institute filed an amicus brief to the Supreme Court in December 2017. In our brief, we argued that because “there is no consensus on what constitutes a ‘two-sided’market … courts will be left to base their analysis [as to what constitutes such a market] on irrelevant aspects … rather than … industry realities.” Open Markets also argued that the reasoning of the decision was so loose that almost any large corporation would be free to use such a defense, in ways that would give these corporations carte blanche to engage in otherwise illegal uses of power against suppliers of goods and services. Lina Khan, Open Markets’ former director of legal policy, said in 2018 that this kind of “balancing” had never been previously permitted. Open Markets Executive Director Barry Lynn wrote in 2018 that the defense “appears to bless the efforts of companies such as Google, Amazon, and Facebook to dominate dozens of markets.” Technology platforms such as Google and Facebook will likely invoke the defense, particularly as the multiple antitrust investigations into their operations intensify. 🔊 ANTI-MONOPOLY RISING:
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Written by: Barry Lynn, Phil Longman, Michael Bluhm, and Daniel A. Hanley Edited by: Barry Lynn, Phil Longman, Michael Bluhm, Daniel A. Hanley, and Udit Thakur Image credit: bluejayphoto and Rawf8 via iStock
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Did someone forward you this newsletter? Photo courtesy of iStock by Getty Images Consolidation Creates Dangerous and Fragile Food Systems, Report Argues Last week, rural sociologist Dr. Mary Hendrickson presented a new report – commissioned by the Family Farm Action Alliance – on the dangers of consolidating food production into fewer, corporate hands. From COVID-19 supply chain disruptions to inflated food prices, Hendrickson and her co-authors argue that our consolidated food system vests too much decision-making power in a few private actors who do not have the public interest at heart. “Consolidation in our food system is a grave threat to our family farmers and rural communities, and this important new report from Dr. Hendrickson reinforces the urgent need for Congress to take action to address corporate concentration and create a food system that is rooted in fairness and opportunity for all,” said Sen. Cory Booker before a Nov. 19 press briefing on the report, co-hosted by the Open Markets Institute. A handful of corporations controls critical nodes along the food supply chain, according to new figures from the report. Farmers, for instance, only have a few choices both for purchasing inputs and for selling their crops and livestock. Worldwide, the same three companies sell 46% of all seeds and 53% of all agrichemicals. Just four firms process 80% of all U.S. soybeans, and the four largest corporations buy and slaughter 54% of all chicken, 67% of all pork, and 73% of all beef in the U.S. Such corporate consolidation has coincided with farm consolidation, the report finds. For instance, in 1987 half of pork came from farms with 1,200 hogs or fewer. By 2017, half of all pork came from farms with 51,300 hogs or more, and more than 70% of hog farmers went out of business, as large farms replaced small ones. The share of the market controlled by the top four hog processors nearly doubled during this same time period. Corporate consolidation also harms consumers, Hendrickson argues. Despite an illusion of choice in American grocery stores, just three corporations sell roughly 80% of all soda, two sell nearly half of all bread, and one dominates 45% of salty snacks. Nearly a quarter of all U.S. groceries sales go to one dominant retailer, Walmart. Food conglomerates argue that consolidation makes them more efficient and lowers prices for consumers. In reality, the report cites numerous lawsuits alleging that chicken, beef, pork, and tuna corporations conspired to increase food prices. Centralized food production can also become quite costly in a crisis such as the COVID-19 pandemic. When meatpacking plants failed to protect workers from COVID-19, large plant closures took offline anywhere from 10% to 25% of U.S. meat processing capacity. Farmers could not process their animals in time, and because many could not afford to continue feeding them, hundreds of thousands of animals were euthanized. “We think – on the conservative side – possibly 300,000 hogs or more were euthanized,” Hendrickson said at a press briefing. “That means about 29,000 tons of pork did not make it into people’s mouths. … This, I think, shows the fragility of our food chain.” The report covers many other harms of consolidated food production, from the excess application of chemicals and herbicide resistant weeds to declining biodiversity and reduced choices for farmers and consumers. The principal issue, Hendrickson argues, is overwhelming corporate power. “The social and ecological risks associated with our current agrifood system – rising levels of food insecurity and hunger, ecological degradation – are directly related to who has the power to make decisions in food and agriculture,” the report says. “These decisions have increasingly migrated from a more community or public arena into the realm of private decision-making that largely involves those within the biggest firms.” These corporate actors prioritize their profits over people or the planet. Their financial might translates into political might to lobby for rules and regulations in their favor, superseding even government power to regulate industry. A revolving door between agency officials and the very industries they’re charged with regulating also favors corporate interests over public ones. The report calls for redistributing power back to a greater diversity of people and types of businesses. “There is no reason that we have to organize the food and agriculture system on a for-profit-based, efficiency specialization-based system,” Hendrickson said. Hendrickson envisions a mix of large and small, for-profit, nonprofit, and public entities serving different roles in the food system. This includes more community-based actors, such as urban farms, more worker- or farmer-owned businesses, such as cooperatives, and more values-based supply chains, such as fair trade. While the report does not provide specific policy proposals, it does insist that policymakers have the ability to work with farmers, workers, and communities to build a different system. This includes regulations that “prevent monopolistic tendencies in agrifood systems” and “afford more opportunities for communities to develop self-reliance,” especially marginalized communities long denied power and resources. Find and share this story originally published on Food & Power. Booker Introduces Justice for Black Farmers Act At Hendrickson’s report briefing last Thursday, Sen. Booker announced a new bill to reverse centuries of Black land loss in the U.S. “The Justice for Black Farmers Act … would enact reforms within the USDA to finally end discrimination within that agency … protect the remaining Black farmers from losing their land, and provide land grants to create a new generation of Black farmers,” Booker said. Sens. Elizabeth Warren and Kirsten Gillibrand co-sponsored the bill. The bill aims to address decades of violence and discrimination that prevented Black farmers from acquiring land and that dispossessed 98% of Black farmland owners, totaling at least 12 million lost acres over the past century. Texas A&M law professor Thomas Mitchell told Mother Jones that this transfer of land wealth from Black farmers to predominantly white Americans is “conservatively” worth $300 billion. Black farmers have also been excluded from federal farm supports due to discrimination by the Department of Agriculture (USDA). Among many transgressions, the USDA historically denied loans to Black farmers, and disparities in federal lending continue today. As recently as 2015, Black farmers received less than 0.2% of USDA agricultural microloan money despite claims of progress, according to a 2019 investigation by The Counter. The bill would establish an oversight board to reform the USDA’s civil rights office and address discrimination within the agency. It would also devote $8 billion annually to the USDA to buy farmland in order to give 20,000 new and existing Black farmers land grants of up to 160 acres every year for more than nine years. It would also create a program of USDA-funded apprenticeships for youth from socially disadvantaged communities. What We''re Reading
BONUS: Revisit Food & Power’s Thanksgiving reading list on the food monopolists behind your holiday meal. About the Open Markets InstituteThe Open Markets Institute promotes political, industrial, economic, and environmental resilience. We do so by documenting and clarifying the dangers of extreme consolidation, and by fostering discussions of ways to reestablish America’s political economy on a more stable and fair foundation. Follow F&P on Twitter | Subscribe to this Newsletter | F&P Website | Contact Us Written by Claire Kelloway
Edited by Michael Bluhm Open Markets Institute 1440 G Street NW Washington D.C., 20005
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PLEASE JOIN OUR PUBLIC CONVERSATION WITHSTEVE WALDMANTO DISCUSS NEW METHODS FOR SAVING LOCAL JOURNALISM FROM HEDGE FUND SQUEEZINGTOMORROW at 3:30 P.M. ET
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The Center for Journalism & Liberty and the Open Markets Institute invite you to join a webinar featuring Steve Waldman in conversation with advocates about his new paper and proposals. His outline will be contrasted with a similar idea, coming out of the Shorenstein Center, called the National Trust for Local News, that would assemble capital to finance the transition of locally-owned newspapers to more sustainable forms.
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Did someone forward you this newsletter? Photo courtesy of iStock by Getty Images Fewer Global Dairy Corporations Drive Overproduction and Pollution, Harming Small Farmers, Report Finds A shrinking handful of corporations and cooperatives control a growing portion of global dairy production, to the detriment of rural communities and the environment, argues a new report by the Institute for Agriculture and Trade Policy (IATP). The report, “Milking the Planet,” found that the 13 biggest multinational dairy businesses increased milk production by 8% from 2015 to 2017, representing an estimated 11% increase in their greenhouse gas emissions. Interestingly, a large portion of this growth was driven not by new cows on the land but by mergers and acquisitions that put larger portions of global milk production – and its associated emissions – into fewer hands. This raises questions about how much major corporations contributed to cumulative increases in industry emissions, which are rising globally, but it also reveals a deeper and equally troubling trend of corporate consolidation that has its own environmental and economic harms. Dairy farmers, particularly in the U.S. and Europe, are stuck in a cycle of consolidation and overproduction. Fewer, more powerful buyers, paired with declining domestic demand and dismantled supply management policies, have pushed the prices paid to farmers below their cost of production. In response, farmers seek to lower their costs per gallon and survive on high volumes. But as more farms seek a larger scale, milk production continues to increase, perpetuating oversupply, low milk prices, and a reliance on export markets. All told, the U.S. has lost 93% of its dairy farms since the 1970s, and the EU lost four out of five dairy farms between 1981 and 2013. The farms that remain are much larger. Just two decades ago, most milk in the U.S. came from farms with fewer than 150 cows, while today most milk comes from farms with 900 cows or more, and mega-dairies are growing in the EU as well. The EU lost still more farms when it dismantled production quotas in 2015 and milk prices fell by more than one-third. Increased production by large EU farms flooded global markets with cheap milk, particularly destabilizing markets for small dairy producers in sub-Saharan Africa. Meanwhile, dairy processors reap the benefits of low milk prices and increased exports, and they use those profits to buy up competitors and build more market power. This consolidation, as IATP noted, increased estimated greenhouse gas emissions of some major European dairy processors. Dairy corporations counteract climate impact critiques by touting their decreasing “emission intensity,” noting that large industrial operations may generate fewer greenhouse gas emissions per gallon of milk. However, this misses the holistic economic and environmental impact of concentrating production on larger farms. Among other hazards, growing mega-dairies concentrate large quantities of cow manure in open-air manure lagoons, which can pollute waterways and surrounding environments. Their overall climate impact is also contested, as these manure lagoons release more greenhouse gases compared to when manure is spread across pasture (as it is on smaller, grass-fed dairies). The rise of U.S. mega-dairies from 1990 to 2017 coincided with a 134% increase in greenhouse gas emissions from dairy cow manure, according to EPA analysis. That said, recent studies disagree about whether practices such as carbon sequestration through pasture-based dairy production can substantially reduce greenhouse gas emissions compared to industrial dairy systems, unless dairy consumption and total herd sizes also decrease. Nonetheless, the report calls for policies that will support rural dairy communities, promote climate-resilient farming, and move away from low cost, high volume, export-oriented dairy production. These policies include supply management programs that would match dairy production with profitable demand. A growing number of U.S. and EU dairy organizations have also called for supply management policies to ensure fair milk prices and to support smaller dairy farms. “There’s a continuing push for these large operations, even in the midst of a dairy crisis,” says Ben Lilliston, interim co-executive director of IATP. “It makes no rational economic sense to be expanding supply when you have oversupply, and, from a climate perspective, that’s probably the first step: Stop the growth. Then step two, transition into a different type of system that’s better for the climate, better for farmers.” Toward this latter goal, the report calls for stronger environmental and greenhouse gas regulation, especially on large farms. This includes examining how trade deals undermine environmental protections. “Let’s get our trade policy in line, so that important public interest regulations do not get watered down because corporations want more market access,” says Shefali Sharma, director of IATP Europe and author of the report. IATP also calls for investments to transition farms to more agroecological practices, such as pasture-based systems or integrating diverse crops and livestock. These alternative dairy models present other important environmental benefits beyond reducing emissions, Sharma argues, such as improved soil health and biodiversity, which interact with climate outcomes. When it comes to increasing public investment in agroecological dairy production, IATP argues that governments already spend substantial tax dollars propping up the industrial system, from payments to dairy farmers operating at a loss to direct subsidies of mega-dairies. Large industrial dairies represented less than 4% of U.S. dairy farms in 2017, but they received an estimated 54% of USDA Environmental Quality Incentive Program grants, ironically to fund things such as managing manure lagoons. Lilliston also says that some large dairies depend on financing from USDA Farm Service Agency loans. “They really wouldn’t be constructing all these mega-dairies without these different types of supports in place – it’s not the magic of the market here,” says Lilliston. “This is a distorted market, and they’re rigging the game.” Find and share this story originally published on Food & Power. What We''re Reading
About the Open Markets InstituteThe Open Markets Institute promotes political, industrial, economic, and environmental resilience. We do so by documenting and clarifying the dangers of extreme consolidation, and by fostering discussions of ways to reestablish America’s political economy on a more stable and fair foundation. Follow F&P on Twitter | Subscribe to this Newsletter | F&P Website | Contact Us Written by Claire Kelloway
Edited by Michael Bluhm and Phil Longman Open Markets Institute 1440 G Street NW Washington D.C., 20005
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No images? Click here Welcome to The Corner. In this issue, we examine some of the dangers of the recently approved Schwab-TD Ameritrade merger, address the president’s executive order on Section 230, and highlight our recent conference discussing worker power. To read previous editions of The Corner, click here. Charles Schwab Takeover of TD Ameritrade Further Concentrates Wall Street Power and Control The Justice Department’s recent approval of Charles Schwab’s $26 billion acquisition of brokerage firm TD Ameritrade creates a $5 trillion giant that will increase the already dangerous amount of systemic risk in the financial sector. In the past, consolidation of assets and financial services on this scale has encouraged excessive risk taking and resulted in greater pressures on the corporations that depend on these funds for investment. Such deals also generally harm the public by raising the prices of basic financial services. By some measures, this takeover solidifies the position of Schwab as the third-largest financial institution in the world. Only BlackRock and Vanguard rank ahead of Schwab, with $7 trillion and $6 trillion in client assets under management, respectively. UBS is fourth, with $3 trillion under management. The move would also add about 12 million more client accounts under the control of Schwab. The consequences of extreme consolidation in the financial industry were made clear by the financial crisis and Great Recession of 2007 to 2009. As Simon Johnson and James Kwak describe what happened in their 2011 book 13 Bankers, “banks used huge balance sheets to place bets in brand-new financial markets, stirring together complex derivatives with exotic mortgages in a toxic brew that ultimately poisoned the global economy.” Because of the banks’ size, the federal government ended up treating these banks as “too big to fail” and used billions of dollars of taxpayers’ money to bail out many of these corporations and their investors. The Schwab-TD Ameritrade merger raises the risk that the failure of a single institution could cause a domino effect on other firms. As Saule Omarova, a professor of law at Cornell University, put it in a recent paper, “The structural complexity and the speed of contagion in the financial market often render important market governance mechanisms, designed to resolve various market frictions, potentially ineffective.” Additionally, Charles Schwab’s increased assets will give it larger ownership shares in corporations throughout the U.S. economy. This raises significant antitrust questions, because this type of common investor ownership means that Schwab will have significantly more influence over boardroom decision-making than other shareholders have. One result is to make it easier for investors to carry information and practices from one corporation to another, in ways that can result in cartel-like behavior. In a 2018 paper, Jose Azar presented evidence of how this practice works in the airline industry, where financial institutions have large holdings. Azar argued that the controlled firms “have reduced incentives to compete due to common ownership, prices are higher and output is lower.” Fiona Scott Morton and Herbert Hovenkamp also addressed the problem in a 2018 paper, which found that these concentrations of power can result in higher prices for products and services. Schwab’s takeover of TD Ameritrade also gives the new corporation roughly 65% to 70% of the custody market for Registered Investment Advisors (RIA). RIAs are persons or firms that provide financial advice to and manage the investments of clients. RIAs keep their clients’ assets deposited in custodian banks, including Schwab and TD Ameritrade. But Schwab competes against these RIAs for Americans’ investments, so Schwab’s increased market power will allow it to increase prices for custodial services or otherwise manipulate the terms of service. A price hike would increase the pressure on many RIAs, which could either drive Schwab’s competitors out of business or drive their clients to Schwab. Americans have succeeded in preventing similar concentrations of power and control in the financial system many times in the past. The federal government passed the Federal Reserve Act of 1913 in part to break up similar concentrations of power and control on Wall Street. The Bank Merger Act Amendments of 1966 prohibited bank mergers that led to monopolization or were deemed anti-competitive. The Riegle-Neal Act of 1994 forbade banks from holding more than 10% of retail deposits in the country. The Justice Department’s approval of the deal also makes it more likely that other deals will be proposed and approved. This includes financial giant Morgan Stanley’s pending acquisition of brokerage firm E-Trade, which would be the largest takeover by any bank since the Great Recession. The deal would give Morgan Stanley another $360 billion in assets and substantially consolidate the industry even further.
The Real Danger in Twitter vs. Trump
President Donald Trump released an executive order on May 28 in response to Twitter labeling the president’s tweets as misleading. The executive order instructs federal agencies such as the Federal Communications Commission and the Federal Trade Commission to reinterpret Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act. Section 230 provides online platforms, such as Facebook and Twitter, broad legal immunity for the content on their platforms and for the removal of content from their platforms. A wide array of other politicians, grassroots activists, and media outlets have presented the situation as a choice between allowing private control over speech or compelling platforms to broadcast all speech including the president’s, which routinely incorporates libel and hate speech. The Open Markets Institute, however, believes this is a false choice. In a May 28 statement, Open Markets Executive Director Barry Lynn said that we should act now to protect all essential communications platforms from coming under the arbitrary control of either private corporate bosses or the government. “A third option is to return to the principles and practices that Americans long used to promote true freedom of speech and of the press, by offering equal and open public access to any essential communications technology, even when it is privately owned,” Lynn said. The full Open Markets statement can be read here. For additional perspective, read this Slate interview with Lynn in August 2018, during the debate about whether to censor Alex Jones. Building a Pro-Worker Anti-Monopoly Movement
The Open Markets Institute, in partnership with The American Prospect, United for Respect, and Change to Win, hosted an online conference on June 2 about building a pro-worker anti-monopoly movement. The event was an opportunity for workers, organizers, and experts to bring their diverse perspectives to bear on the national conversation on antitrust and anti-monopoly policy. The discussion was moderated by David Dayen, executive editor of The Prospect, and additional panelists included Courtenay Brown (warehouse worker at Amazon, and member of United for Respect), Sandeep Vaheesan (legal director of Open Markets Institute), Andrea Dehlendorf (co-director of United for Respect), Brian Callaci (postdoctoral scholar at Data & Society), and Emma Rebhorn (assistant general counsel at Change to Win). Participants discussed how large corporations use their size and power to harm workers, independent businesses, and local communities. “It’s important to split up this type of company that’s literally so big that they have people scared to even speak up against them,” said Brown. Rebhorn called attention to the need for antitrust reform by highlighting the mismatch between how readily the government approves most mergers, and how strongly the government opposes efforts by workers and professionals to organize. “The fact is that antitrust enforcement has posed more of a threat to working people than to the dominant companies that they work for,” Rebhorn said. The full hourlong conversation can be viewed online here.
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📈 VITAL STAT:51The number of attorneys general filing an antitrust case against 26 generic drug manufacturers for price fixing, bid rigging, and market allocation. 📚 WHAT WE''RE READING:
Open Markets Employment Opportunities You can find the full job listings here. 🔎 TIPS? COMMENTS? SUGGESTIONS? We would love to hear from you—just reply to this e-mail and drop us a line. Give us your feedback, alert us to competition policy news, or let us know your favorite story from this issue.
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Written by: Barry Lynn and Phil Longman Edited by: Barry Lynn, Phil Longman, Michael Bluhm, Daniel A. Hanley, Udit Thakur, and Garphil Julien Image credit: Easyturn and pressureUA via iStock
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Did someone forward you this newsletter? Photo courtesy of iStock by Getty Images Ranchers and Lawmakers Decry Market Manipulation, as Cattle Prices Plummet and Monopolies Profit on Coronavirus Wholesale beef prices have jumped to record levels, as shoppers stockpile meat in response to the global coronavirus pandemic. But this run on beef isn’t helping cattle ranchers. On the contrary, cattle prices have plummeted since January, putting many ranchers on the brink of collapse. “It’s never been worse. The futures market is crashing … and box beef prices are skyrocketing. It’s nuts,” says rancher Mike Callicrate in St. Francis, Kansas. Callicrate and other ranchers say this illogical price collapse reflects meatpackers’ monopoly power to set cattle prices. Before this shock, the top four beef packers already faced litigation and a Department of Agriculture (USDA) investigation for alleged collusion and price-fixing. Lawmakers from both parties are calling on the USDA to take more immediate action and for the Department of Justice to open an antitrust investigation of its own. “We’re seeing some pretty bad stuff in the livestock market right now,” Sen. Jon Tester (D-MT) told the Billings Gazette. “Somebody is taking advantage of the situation. And I think that ''somebody'' is industrial packers.” “The packers seem to be making out like bandits, and our producers are seeing record low prices,” Sen. Steve Daines (R-MT) also told the Gazette, after asking the Department of Justice to open an antitrust investigation into the beef industry. “I think we’ve got an issue with monopolies here.” Coronavirus panic shopping has prompted an unprecedented spike in the price wholesalers and supermarkets pay for processed beef, increasing nearly 20% in just four days, although those higher prices have yet to be passed on to consumers. At the same time, slaughter-ready cattle prices are down 11% since January, and cattle futures lost nearly a quarter of their value since then. Prices paid to ranchers could fall even further if meatpacking plant workers fall sick or stay home and facilities begin to slow production or shutter. Ranchers got a taste of such slaughter disruption last summer, when a fire took out one of Tyson’s beef processing plants and created a glut of slaughter-ready cattle. Packers made a then-record $415 per head, up from around $150 before the fire, while cattle producers lost an average of $200 per head. “If the coronavirus impacts these plants and they have to shut down, then we’ve got a real disaster on our hands, with just a handful of plants being able to kill the nation’s cattle,” says Callicrate. He notes that, if there was a more diverse network of local, smaller-scale meat processors, then any individual pandemic-related plant closure “would have a lot less impact.” While ranchers fear the worst, meatpackers have reaped record profit margins from both the Tyson fire and now the coronavirus pandemic, and ranchers are raising concerns about market manipulation. Just four dominant corporations buy 85% of all beef in the U.S., and ranchers say that the behemoths can collude to manipulate cattle markets and hold down the prices paid to ranchers. Almost a year ago, several Midwestern feedlot owners and the Ranchers-Cattlemen Action Legal Fund (R-CALF) filed a class-action lawsuit alleging that the four dominant beef packers had strategically cut back on open market cattle bids, closed plants, and imported costly foreign cattle, in order to lower spot market cattle values. This case has been consolidated with two similar suits brought by consumers and wholesale beef buyers. Following the Tyson fire, the USDA began investigating the unprecedented packer profits to determine whether there was “any evidence of price manipulation, collusion, restrictions of competition or other unfair practices” enabling the profits. At a recent appropriations hearing, Agriculture Secretary Sonny Perdue told senators that he wanted more tools to address potential market-rigging. The coronavirus shock puts new pressure on the USDA to wrap up its investigation and take action against packer profiteering. In a letter to Perdue, Tester cited “rapid consolidation of the industry” as a key issue facing ranchers and urged the USDA to act immediately to support cattle producers. “Your actions now could make the difference between folks going broke or staying in the industry for another generation,” Tester wrote. Tester introduced a bill on March 20 that would set a guaranteed base price on feeder and fattened cattle. The government would make up any difference in base pay for sales of up to 10,000 cattle, in order to prevent large feedlots from disproportionately benefiting over independent producers. Daines joined Sens. Michael Rounds (R-SD), Kevin Cramer (R-ND), and John Hoeven (R-ND) in requesting that the Department of Justice open an antitrust investigation into price-fixing by beef packers. “At a time when cattle producers are seeing record losses and bankruptcies, now exacerbated by the COVID-19, compared to the shelf price of meat at record highs – these margins fail to make sense,” the senators wrote on March 19. Perdue took to Twitter on March 23 to assure farmers that the agency is “paying special attention to the difference in prices from the farm gate to the grocery shelf” in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic. However, ranchers want to see more systemic changes to the livestock industry after the pandemic. “Hopefully we come out of this thing with more awareness of the importance of local regional food systems and just kill the monopolies,” says Callicrate. R-CALF urged the USDA to limit contracted beef purchases to preserve competitive cattle bidding, and R-CALF requested mandatory country of origin labeling, in addition to emergency stopgap measures. Top packers Cargill, JBS, Tyson Foods, and National Beef were not immediately available for comment. This story was co-published with the Food & Environment Reporting Network. Find and share this story original published on Food & Power. What We''re Reading
About the Open Markets InstituteThe Open Markets Institute promotes political, industrial, economic, and environmental resilience. We do so by documenting and clarifying the dangers of extreme consolidation, and by fostering discussions of ways to reestablish America’s political economy on a more stable and fair foundation. Follow F&P on Twitter | Subscribe to this Newsletter | F&P Website | Contact Us Written by Claire Kelloway
Edited by Michael Bluhm and Sam Fromartz Open Markets Institute 1440 G Street NW Washington D.C., 20005
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No images? Click here Welcome to The Corner. In this issue, we explain how exclusionary contracts can result in a form of secret monopolization, and we detail Open Markets’ demand that the FTC ban the practice. We also encourage you to read ILSR’s groundbreaking guide to antitrust on the state level. Open Markets Demands FTC Ban Dangerous Form of Contractual Monopolization The Open Markets Institute filed a petition to the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) on Tuesday to ban exclusive dealing agreements, which are contracts that restrict whom a company or person can do business with. Our petition was joined by more than 36 other signatories, including public interest groups, labor organizations, and prominent legal scholars. Exclusive agreements are routinely used by dominant firms to perpetuate their monopoly power and to suppress competition. Dominant firms typically seek to entrench their monopoly positions by contractually locking in smaller firms and forcing them either to become the sole distributor for the dominant firm''s goods or to supply goods or services only to the dominant firm. Exclusive arrangements thus eliminate competitors’ access to other customers, distributors, or suppliers. In effect, such exclusive arrangements result in a de facto acquisition of control by larger corporations over smaller firms, without the dominant corporation having to spend money buying these other firms. Such deals harm consumers by reducing competition among suppliers and purchasers, in ways that slow innovation and raise prices. They can also harm rival sellers, by making it harder to buy key inputs and services. And they harm investors, who are not compensated when the companies they support are essentially taken over by these dominant corporations. As an example of how independent business get trapped into monopolies through these deals, consider McWane, the nation’s dominant producer of iron pipe fittings. That corporation forced its distributors to enter into exclusive contracts that prohibited them from purchasing iron pipe fittings from any of McWane’s competitors. If these distributors — many of them independent local businesses — bought fittings from McWane’s competitors, then the distributors would lose the substantial rebates that McWane offered them for entering into these exclusionary contracts. The exclusive agreements allowed McWane to raise the prices on iron pipe fittings, and thus served as a secret form of monopolization, entrenching and extending McWane’s monopoly power while harming buyers who had to pay McWane’s inflated prices. The Open Markets petition discusses 28 instances of anti-competitive exclusive agreements and litigation that the FTC and other antitrust enforcers have brought regarding exclusive dealing. The agencies have been successful in punishing well-known corporations such as Microsoft, Visa, and 3M for exclusive dealing. Despite these victories, the practice remains routine throughout the political economy. That’s why the Open Markets Institute believes it is time for the FTC to use its broad rule-making authority to ban the practice outright. Sandeep Vaheesan, legal director at Open Markets Institute and lead author of the petition, said, “We are asking the FTC to finally put dominant corporations on notice. Will they choose to protect consumers, independent businesses, and workers, or will they let powerful corporations maintain their stranglehold on numerous markets and industries?” The full petition can be read here. ILSR Releases Anti-Monopoly Toolkit for State and Local Governments The Institute for Local Self-Reliance released a groundbreaking report last week that provides a comprehensive view of state and local laws and policy tools that citizens and public officials can use to fight concentration of power. The report outlines eight anti-monopoly tools that cover various industry sectors, such as banking and public utilities, and the report discusses the various enforcement tools available to state attorneys general. The full report can be read here. 🔊 ANTI-MONOPOLY RISING:
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📈 VITAL STAT:15%The percentage in salary reduction that pilots are being asked to take by Delta, the second-largest U.S. airline, so that these pilots can keep their jobs. Meanwhile, Delta received more than $5 billion in federal bailout money. 📚 WHAT WE''RE READING:
BARRY LYNN’S NEW BOOK
Liberty From All Masters The New American Autocracy vs. The Will of the People St. Martins Press will publish Open Markets Executive Director Barry Lynn’s new book, Liberty From All Masters, on September 29. The book is Barry’s first since Cornered, in 2010. In it, he details how Google, Amazon, and Facebook developed the ability to manipulate the flow of news, information, and business in America, and are transforming this power into autocratic systems of control. Barry then details how Americans over the course of two centuries built a “System of Liberty,” and shows how we Americans can put this system to work again today. Pre-order your copy here. 🔎 TIPS? COMMENTS? SUGGESTIONS? We would love to hear from you—just reply to this e-mail and drop us a line. Give us your feedback, alert us to competition policy news, or let us know your favorite story from this issue.
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Written by: Barry Lynn, Phil Longman, Michael Bluhm, and Daniel A. Hanley Edited by: Barry Lynn, Phil Longman, Michael Bluhm, Daniel A. Hanley, Udit Thakur, and Garphil Julien Image credit: RiverNorthPhotography via iStock
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No images? Click here Welcome to The Corner. In this issue, we discuss our response to the criticisms regarding a merger ban during the COVID-19 pandemic, commend newly proposed bills to ban micro-targeting, and highlight the release of professor John Kwoka’s latest book. To read previous editions of The Corner, click here. As Big Tech Feasts on Vulnerable Firms, Merger Ban Needed More Than Ever Even though the total number of mergers in 2020 through late May was down about 50% compared to last year, Big Tech is going on an acquisition spree at a rate not seen since 2015. Reports in the Financial Times and The Wall Street Journal make clear that these dominant corporations are taking advantage of the pandemic to acquire rivals or strategic targets weakened by the sharp economic downturn. The flurry of announcements powerfully demonstrates the need for a ban on mergers for the duration of the economic crisis, as Open Markets Institute proposed on March 21. Recent examples include Facebook’s announcement of plans to spend $400 million to fully acquire Giphy, which allows users to share animated images. Uber, meanwhile, has confirmed it is interested in buying Grubhub for a reported $4.5 billion. Amazon, meanwhile, the largest e-commerce company in the United States, is reportedly in discussions to purchase AMC Theaters, the world’s largest theater chain, Zoox, an autonomous-vehicle technology company, and JC Penney, one of the largest American department store chains. According to the Financial Times, Big Tech has announced 19 own acquisitions since January, the sector’s highest tally since 2015. In March, Open Markets called for a ban on all mergers involving corporations with more than $100 million in annual revenue or market capitalization for the duration of the COVID-19 crisis. In that letter, we argued that the Antitrust Division of the Department of Justice (DOJ), the Federal Trade Commission (FTC), and other competition law enforcement agencies cannot effectively evaluate mergers at a time when most government offices are shuttered. More fundamentally, we argued that the ban is needed to prevent a wholesale concentration of additional power by corporations that already dominate or largely dominate their industries. We noted that uncontrolled consolidation in this environment would likely result in the unnecessary firing of thousands of employees, the unnecessary closure of many otherwise viable businesses, and a dramatic slowing of innovation in vital industries such as pharmaceuticals, and a further concentration of power and control dangerous both to our democracy and our open commercial systems. Shortly after the release of our call for a moratorium, Rep. David Cicilline (RI-1), Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-MA), and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (NY-14) proposed draft legislation that closely mirrors our proposal. The proposed ban has been criticized by Jason Furman, former deputy director of the National Economic Council under President Barack Obama, and Makan Delrahim, the head of the Justice Department’s antitrust division. Former Vice President Joe Biden, when asked about the proposal, answered that he would want the Justice Department to take a “hard look” at whether mergers increased competition and fostered growth. Of the recent mergers, Facebook’s acquisition of Giphy presents the most significant concerns. By acquiring Giphy, Facebook will extend its hoard of data to include Giphy’s 200 million daily users and deepen its connection to the various applications that have integrated Giphy. Uber’s proposed acquisition of Grubhub is also deeply troubling. Such a deal would give Uber control of 50% of the U.S. market for meal delivery. The rumors surrounding Amazon’s proposed acquisitions are particularly worrisome, as the corporation has profited immensely since the onset of the pandemic, while many of its rivals have stumbled or gone out of business.
Open Markets Applauds Principles of Rep. Cicilline’s and Rep. Eshoo’s Bills Limiting Micro-Targeting
Rep. David Cicilline (RI-1) and Rep. Anna Eshoo (CA-18) this week introduced separate bills to limit micro-targeting, a form of advertising that allows advertisers to target ads to users based on users’ actions online. In a statement, Open Markets Director of Enforcement Strategy Sally Hubbard said that the bills are “critical first steps to preserving the integrity of our elections and stopping the manipulation of American voters.” Hubbard submitted a letter in April to the House Subcommittee on Antitrust about the dangers that micro-targeting poses to democracy and individual freedom. Hubbard explained that platforms such as Google and Facebook surveil their users and then allow disinformation agents to target propaganda at users based on comprehensive and intimate data profiles. Foreign agents can easily interfere with our elections because of Facebook''s and Google’s targeted advertising business models, Hubbard wrote. “These grave threats to our democracy are not inevitable, but rather result from business choices that prioritize profits over free and fair elections,” she wrote. In her letter, Hubbard called for a ban on all targeted advertising and, at minimum, a ban on micro-targeted ads. The Open Markets Institute commends both Rep. Cicilline’s and Rep. Eshoo’s bills as important advances in the right direction, and Open Markets applauds the lawmakers for taking much needed action on this issue. Professor John Kwoka’s New Book Offers Diagnosis and Cure for Merger Ills
John Kwoka, a professor at Northeastern University and a member of Open Markets Institute’s academic advisory board, has published a new book titled Controlling Mergers and Market Power: A Program for Reviving Antitrust in America. In his new book, Kwoka explains how specific policy choices have led to the current feeble merger policy in the United States. Kwoka details how antitrust enforcers failed to enforce merger guidelines, failed to challenge large mergers, and implemented remedies with “dubious effectiveness.” Kwoka argues that the failure of today’s merger policy has led to markets that are drastically more concentrated and controlled by dominant firms. To remedy this failure, Kwoka provides 44 policy recommendations that represent a comprehensive guide to invigorating merger policy. The recommendations include a renewed reliance on the structural presumption, a new definition of an anti-competitive mergers, greater scrutiny of mergers that create barriers to entry, and a reduced use of the current, toothless remedies to anti-competitive mergers. The new work is a comprehensive follow-up to Kwoka’s previous, groundbreaking book, Mergers, Merger Controls, and Remedies, in which Kwoka systematically demonstrated how American merger policy failed to lower prices, to increase output, or to increase competition. Kwoka’s new book can be purchased from the Competition Policy International website.
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📈 VITAL STAT:200 millionThe number of daily active users Giphy has on its platform for sharing animated images. Giphy will provide Facebook access to the millions of interactions that users have with the various communications platforms that are integrated with the service. 📚 WHAT WE''RE READING:
Open Markets Employment Opportunities You can find the full job listings here. 🔎 TIPS? COMMENTS? SUGGESTIONS? We would love to hear from you—just reply to this e-mail and drop us a line. Give us your feedback, alert us to competition policy news, or let us know your favorite story from this issue.
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Written by: Barry Lynn and Phil Longman Edited by: Barry Lynn, Phil Longman, Michael Bluhm, Daniel A. Hanley, Udit Thakur, and Garphil Julien Image credit: Easyturn and pressureUA via iStock
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Did someone forward you this newsletter? Photo courtesy of iStock by Getty Images Judge Affirms Poultry Worker Wage-Fixing Claims But Demands More Details for Largest Offenders A class-action lawsuit accusing major poultry processors of working together to hold down plant workers’ wages will move into the next stage of litigation after a court ruling last Wednesday. However, some of the largest corporate players, including Tyson Foods, Pilgrim’s Pride, and Perdue, could be off the hook unless workers fine-tune their case by mid-October. U.S. District Judge Stephanie Gallagher ruled that workers and their lawyers presented plausible evidence of a wage-fixing conspiracy and accordingly denied poultry processors’ motion to dismiss the case. At the same time, the judge threw out all but three poultry corporations from the case, ruling that the suit targeted subsidiaries of poultry conglomerates without specifying how each entity participated in the conspiracy. Lawyers representing the workers have 30 days to revise their suit. The class-action suit, filed last August on behalf of three former workers, accuses 14 poultry processors and their subsidiaries of participating in a massive conspiracy to “reduce labor costs and maximize profits” by agreeing to hold down wages across the industry and to avoid competing for workers. Together, these businesses control approximately 80% of poultry processing in the U.S. This scheme allegedly harmed some of America’s most vulnerable and low-paid workers. Today, the average poultry plant worker makes less than $23,000 a year and more than half are immigrants. According to the suit, poultry processors purposefully recruit workers who cannot easily secure jobs outside the industry, including immigrants, migrant workers, refugees, asylum seekers, and prison laborers. Drawing on interviews with former employees, the case alleges that since at least 2009 poultry executives held secret “off the books” meetings at industry conferences to share information about hourly plant workers’ wages and benefits. In 2018, one Tyson employee said that these meetings “were so inappropriate and improper that the company would no longer attend them,” according to the suit. Participants allegedly upheld their agreement to fix workers’ wages and benefits with the help of data consulting service, Agri Stats, which collected and shared anonymized monthly wage and salary data from more than 95% of U.S. poultry producers. The case claims this anonymized data were so specific that participants could easily match information to individual plants and corporations in order to identify potential deviants from the conspiracy. Poultry plant managers also allegedly coordinated on the local level. One former human resources manager admitted they shared information about current hourly wages and future wage increases with local competing plant managers. “We would collaborate,” the manager said in the complaint. In her ruling last Wednesday, Judge Gallagher found that these quotes from former employees along with other facts “support a plausible per se wage fixing conspiracy claim” for some of the accused corporations. This ruling allows the case to move forward into the “discovery” phase, in which workers’ attorneys can request extensive documents from poultry corporations to further make their case. However, the judge did not think there was enough information to keep most of the accused poultry processors in the case without additional details. Specifically, she said the suit “lumped the various subsidiaries of the defendant processors together, without alleging any facts specific to each entity or each corporate family.” For example, the suit accuses ten different Tyson subsidiaries of conspiring to fix wages, but it does not explain exactly how each one of these businesses participated. Instead, it says “decisions on poultry processing compensation [were] made in a systematic and centralized fashion at each [poultry] processor’s corporate headquarters.” The judge ruled that this is not a sufficient explanation of how parent companies and their subsidiaries make wage decisions. As a result, the judge threw out all parent companies and their subsidiaries from the case, including major corporations such as Tyson Foods, Perdue, Cargill, Pilgrim’s Pride, Mountaire Farms, and Sanderson Farms. Only three individually named poultry processors currently face charges: Fieldale, Butterball, and Peco Foods. Additionally, two data-consulting corporations, Agri Stats and Webber, Meng, Sahl and Company, remain in the case. Plaintiffs have 30 days to amend their case. If they can illustrate how poultry conglomerates enforced the conspiracy across their various subsidiaries, these corporations could again become targets. In addition to this wage-fixing suit, poultry processors are embroiled in several other antitrust cases including a federal investigation. These suits argue poultry and other meat processors conspired to hold down prices paid to farmers and increase prices charged to consumers and other buyers. Agri Stats’ data-sharing plays a central role in several of these cases as well. Find and share this story originally published on Food & Power. What We''re Reading
About the Open Markets InstituteThe Open Markets Institute promotes political, industrial, economic, and environmental resilience. We do so by documenting and clarifying the dangers of extreme consolidation, and by fostering discussions of ways to reestablish America’s political economy on a more stable and fair foundation. Follow F&P on Twitter | Subscribe to this Newsletter | F&P Website | Contact Us Written by Claire Kelloway
Edited by Phil Longman, Katherine Dill, and Matthew Buck Open Markets Institute 1440 G Street NW Washington D.C., 20005
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No images? Click here Welcome to The Corner. In this issue, we announce the publication of Sally Hubbard’s new book, Monopolies Suck, and we showcase three groundbreaking articles by the Center for Journalism & Liberty analyzing the crisis of the news industry in America and how to address it. Sally Hubbard Publishes “Monopolies Suck: 7 Ways Big Corporations Rule Your Life and How to Take Back Control” Open Markets Institute is excited to announce that Sally Hubbard, our director of enforcement strategy, on Tuesday released her first book, “Monopolies Suck: The 7 Ways Big Corporations Rule Your Life and How to Take Back Control.” The book was published by Simon & Schuster. It is the easy-to-read guide that citizens need to quickly learn how monopolists harm their economic and political well-being, and what we can do to fight back. In the book, Hubbard provides a savvy and candid overview of how corporate concentration makes our lives harder — from jacking up prices for lifesaving medicines, to causing income to stagnate, to imperiling the American dream, to fueling inequality, and even weakening our food systems. Only by dismantling monopoly power can we begin to create real change. Hubbard is a former antitrust enforcer for New York’s attorney general, has testified at multiple Congressional antitrust hearings and was cited throughout the House Judiciary antitrust subcommittee’s recent 450-page report on digital platforms.
Order a copy of “Monopolies Suck” here. CJL Shows How to Defend America’s Free Press From Monopolists In a special issue of the Washington Monthly, the Center for Journalism & Liberty, a program within the Open Markets Institute, published three groundbreaking pieces this week on how monopoly threatens the future of America’s free press, and how to restructure this entire marketplace to ensure that Americans can count on a truly independent and robustly funded news media.
CJL and Open Markets also contributed to another article in the special issue:
🔊 ANTI-MONOPOLY RISING:
📝 WHAT WE''VE BEEN UP TO:
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📈 VITAL STAT:14% to 21%The percentage of Apple’s annual profits that derive from its exclusionary search contracts with Google. 📚 WHAT WE''RE READING:
BARRY LYNN’S NEW BOOK
Liberty From All Masters The New American Autocracy vs. The Will of the People St. Martin’s Press has published Open Markets Executive Director Barry Lynn’s new book, Liberty from All Masters. Liberty is Lynn’s first book since 2010’s Cornered. In his new work, Lynn warns of the threat to liberty and democracy posed by Google, Amazon, and Facebook, because of their ability to manipulate the flows of information and business in America. Barry then details how Americans over the course of two centuries built a “System of Liberty,” and shows how we Americans can put this system to work again today. Lynn also offers a hopeful vision for how we can use anti-monopoly law to rebuild our society and our democracy from the ground up. Liberty from All Masters has already made waves for its empowering call to restore democracy by resurrecting forgotten tools and institutions. “Very few thinkers in recent years have done more to shift debate in Washington than Barry Lynn. In Liberty from All Masters, he proves himself as a lyrical theorist and a bold interpreter of history. This book is an elegant summoning of a forgotten tradition that can help the nation usher in a new freedom,” says Franklin Foer, author of World Without Mind and national correspondent for The Atlantic. You can order your copy of Lynn’s book here. 🔎 TIPS? COMMENTS? SUGGESTIONS? We would love to hear from you—just reply to this e-mail and drop us a line. Give us your feedback, alert us to competition policy news, or let us know your favorite story from this issue.
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Written and edited by: Barry Lynn, Michael Bluhm, Jackie Filson, Daniel A. Hanley, Udit Thakur, and Garphil Julien
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Did someone forward you this newsletter? Photo courtesy of iStock by Getty Images Report Exposes System of Big Food Kickbacks to Cafeteria Contractors, Cutting out Local Producers A report released last week by Real Food Generation exposes new details about a secretive system of kickbacks between Big Food corporations and cafeteria operators. The report found that rebates from dominant food manufacturers have become a major source of cafeteria operators’ profits while incentivizing more processed food sales and shutting out local farmers and food businesses who cannot afford to offer kickbacks. Tens of billions of dollars’ worth of food flows through schools, colleges, corporate offices, and cultural venues such as stadiums. A growing number of these institutions, including 81% of colleges and universities, outsource the management of their cafeterias to corporations called food service management companies (FSMCs). Just three large corporations – Aramark, Sodexo, and Compass Group – control 77.5% this industry, and together they purchase more than $40 billion in food and goods each year, generating $32.5 billion in revenue in 2019. Organizations such as Real Food Generation and the Good Food Purchasing Program want more of this money spent on locally produced and ecologically sound foods from businesses that use fair labor practices and that treat animals humanely. However, Real Food Generation’s review of industry reports and more than 100 cafeteria contracts as well as interviews with cafeteria managers and farmers reveals that a system of deals with Big Food corporations and restrictive internal purchasing policies fundamentally limits FSMCs’ ability to work with local farmers and small businesses. FSMCs pool the combined buying power of their many locations to strike massive purchasing contracts with Big Food manufacturers, such as Tyson Foods or Pepsi, and food distributors, such as Sysco and US Foods. To sweeten the deal, Big Food corporations offer FSMCs a certain percentage of cash back on all their purchases – these kickbacks (also called off-invoice rebates, sheltered income, or volume discount allowances) can range from 5% to as much as 50% of purchase prices, according to the report. FSMCs order much of their food through large distributors, who also offer their own rebates. For instance, one former master contract between Aramark and Sysco revealed Sysco provided a “produce incentive allowance” or rebate on all produce that Aramark purchased through Sysco. Cafeteria operators require chefs and managers to purchase as much as 80% to even 100% of their food from “approved” or “on-contract” vendors and distributors that have negotiated contracts with the FSMC, in order to receive more kickbacks. Robert Volpi, a former food service manager of 13 years and now a principal at QCC Consulting, told Food & Power that FSMCs evaluated and rewarded chefs and managers based on their levels of “compliant” purchasing from approved vendors. “Your career advancement was pretty much held to your compliance level with how you purchased goods,” Volpi said. These systems and incentives limit chefs’ and managers’ autonomy to work with suppliers who are unable to negotiate similar contracts. Cafeteria operators mandate on-contract purchasing because kickbacks are a central source of their revenues. One anonymous former FSMC employee estimated that kickbacks accounted for 40% to 50% of the top three FSMCs’ net profits for their North American operations, according to the report. An anonymous former executive chef for Aramark recounted a meeting with a purchasing executive in which the executive allegedly told him that Aramark made more profits from big purchasing contracts than the day-to-day management of their cafeterias. “The millions of dollars that purchasing directs to the company’s profits dwarf what you guys in operations are doing,” the executive allegedly told the chef. This business model shuts out local food businesses. A former student organizer at University of Utah, Sawson Gholami, said their student group worked for several months with their dining services to administer a questionnaire to local farms and food businesses to determine which might be able to sell to the university. When it came time to propose new suppliers, Gholami said, “We were very flatly told at that meeting that it would be impossible to do business with any producer that did not already have a business relationship with Sysco.” Sysco was the national food distributor that carried approved products for University of Utah’s cafeteria operator, Compass Group. “All the folks were too small or too new to have a relationship with Sysco,” Gholami said. The report also argues that the pursuit of kickback revenue drives purchases of more shelf stable, frozen, or processed products, which the largest food corporations tend to sell instead of fresh foods, resulting in less nutritious meals. “There’s big money tied up in big company food and agribusiness. There’s not a whole lot of money tied up in fresh vegetables and fruits,” Rick Hughes, who managed for Sodexo in Colorado for eight years, said in the report. “Just follow the money. That’s what’s being given to kids.” Some university systems, such as the University of Vermont, have been able to mandate more local purchasing as a part of their contracts with FSMCs. Volpi also touted the benefits of writing values-based “product specifications” into purchasing and food service management contracts. The report calls on administrators to make these stronger demands in contracts and to audit their invoices. It also urges public officials to investigate the top three FSMCs and their purchasing practices. The report does not attempt to answer whether these purchasing systems violate antitrust law, but this conduct could be exclusionary and illegal. Bulk discounts are not inherently harmful or exclusionary, because they may reflect genuine savings from dealing in larger volumes or decreasing the number of deliveries. Volpi notes that savings on some bulk goods could be redirected to invest in local businesses or increase workers’ wages. But rebates and discounts would violate antitrust law if they were conditional on exclusively purchasing a certain portion of products from one supplier. It is unlikely that the purchasing contracts between cafeteria operators and food manufacturers explicitly require FSMCs to purchase a portion of a given product from that manufacturer in order to receive a kickback. However, FSMCs’ on-contract compliance policies, paired with volume-based paybacks, may amount to a de facto exclusive dealing agreement. Aramark, Sodexo, and Compass Group did not respond for request to comment. Disclosure: The author was formerly employed by a subsidiary of Compass Group. Find and share this story originally published on Food & Power. What We''re Reading
About the Open Markets InstituteThe Open Markets Institute promotes political, industrial, economic, and environmental resilience. We do so by documenting and clarifying the dangers of extreme consolidation, and by fostering discussions of ways to reestablish America’s political economy on a more stable and fair foundation. Follow F&P on Twitter | Subscribe to this Newsletter | F&P Website | Contact Us Written by Claire Kelloway
Edited by Michael Bluhm and Phil Longman Open Markets Institute 1440 G Street NW Washington D.C., 20005
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Did someone forward you this newsletter? Celebrating Five Years of Food & Power A little more than five years ago, the Open Markets project at New America launched Food & Power, a first-of-its-kind website providing resources and original reporting on monopoly power in the food system. Since then, thanks to your readership, we have dramatically grown our biweekly Food & Power newsletter. Today, we are thrilled to relaunch Food & Power with a brand-new look and website. We’re also looking back at the past five years in a Q&A with Food & Power’s founder, Leah Douglas. Additionally, the Open Markets Institute would like to invite you to a virtual briefing on a new report, “The Food System: Concentration and Its Impacts,” written by leading food systems expert Dr. Mary Hendrickson and commissioned by the Family Farm Action Alliance. On Thursday, Nov. 19 from noon to 1 p.m. Eastern, Dr. Hendrickson will present her latest research on corporate concentration, with opening remarks from Sen. Cory Booker. More details below.
Explore the new F&P website
But First: Major Legal Updates
Family Farm Action Alliance and the Open Markets Institute are excited to host a virtual briefing on a new report, “The Food System: Concentration and Its Impacts,” written by Dr. Mary Hendrickson, a leading food systems expert and professor of rural sociology at the University of Missouri. This groundbreaking report, commissioned by Family Farm Action Alliance, outlines the state of concentration in the agri-food system and what happens when a few hands control the ways that billions of consumers, farmers, and farmworkers work and eat. To learn more, join this presentation by Dr. Hendrickson, with remarks from Sen. Cory Booker, from noon to 1 p.m. Eastern on Nov. 19.
Register Here
Q&A with Food & Power’s Founder, Leah Douglas Leah Douglas is an associate editor and staff writer for the Food & Environment Reporting Network (FERN). Douglas’s writing on food, agriculture, and land policy has appeared in The Nation, Time, CNN, and more. Most recently, Douglas created an interactive map to track COVID-19 cases among food industry workers, and this critical database has been cited by The New York Times, The Washington Post, NBC Nightly News, and The Associated Press, among others, as well as by policymakers such as Sens. Cory Booker and Elizabeth Warren. But before Douglas reported for FERN, she built and launched the Food & Power website and newsletter five years ago. In honor of Food & Power’s five-year anniversary and relaunch, current F&P reporter Claire Kelloway spoke with Douglas about how the publication started and Douglas’s work since then. (Responses and questions have been edited for length.) What is Food & Power’s origin story, how did it get started? There was a lot of conversation around the issue [of consolidation in agriculture] and decades of work on it in different advocacy groups and among farmers. … There had been some really excellent books and other materials … but if you were just fishing around and wanted to understand the issue better, there wasn’t anywhere to go. … So the project was to try to build that central place where people could brush up on facts and figures and get some context for how consolidation as a phenomenon was shaping both agricultural policy and also production and producers and workers. Is there a story you wrote that you think was particularly underrated? The first one that comes to mind is some stories I did on private equity roll-ups, which has become increasingly relevant … It was on my mind [after] the news about the Dunkin [takeover] by this big private equity firm. … It’s a really challenging story to tell … because the whole point of private equity is to conceal and limit how much information is available, which makes it obviously very difficult to report on. And at the time, I remember there were so few resources available to really understand what private equity is and how it works and why these companies were being consolidated that way. But I think that’s been really prescient because that trend has only intensified and continued, and when we hear about mergers and buyouts in the sector, so often these days they’re backed by private equity, and there’s even fewer conventional mergers and deals as there were when I was starting Food & Power. How do you think the way that food systems wonks and activists think and talk about this issue of corporate power and economic consolidation in the food system has changed, if at all, since when you first started F&P? I think the breadth and the depth of the discourse around consolidation and corporate control has really expanded in the last five years. … I remember, any time there was a story in a major publication that even touched on issues that were relevant to the scope of Food & Power, it felt hugely exciting. … Now [in] virtually every story … about meatpacker issues … around the trade conversations, around allocation of farm subsidies, consolidation is mentioned. Again, it is not that nobody knew about it, but I think the general attention for corporations and how deregulation has empowered corporations to do so much more than they could do over the past few decades, that I think has just become more popular knowledge, and that’s really great to see. I’ve seen some interesting alliances brew, also, out of a joint attention to corporate power. Whether it’s labor-farmer alliances or folks from different sectors or different backgrounds talking together about how consolidation affects their community or their way of life – for instance in a rural place where there’s a CAFO [concentrated animal feed operation] or there’s a processing plant of some kind – I think the richness of the conversation has grown a lot. How did your experiences launching and writing Food & Power shape the journalism you’re doing today? It’s really foundational to the work I’m doing now. My understanding of regulation and how policy is created and money in politics – all those topics that are really recurrent in my work – are all rooted in this project of trying to understand and explain how the food system is shaped by corporations and corporate power. My scope has broadened, but I think this is an issue that touches so many different elements of this sector and of my beat. What do you want to see for the next five years of Food & Power? Well, it’s awesome to think that something I created would exist for so long. I think it’s just so important to keep having this home for work and conversation on this issue. … I mean, pie in the sky, it would be cool to have five reporters or its whole own staff … just churning out great content. What We''re Reading
About the Open Markets InstituteThe Open Markets Institute promotes political, industrial, economic, and environmental resilience. We do so by documenting and clarifying the dangers of extreme consolidation, and by fostering discussions of ways to reestablish America’s political economy on a more stable and fair foundation. Follow F&P on Twitter | Subscribe to this Newsletter | F&P Website | Contact Us Written by Claire Kelloway
Edited by Phil Longman and Michael Bluhm Open Markets Institute 1440 G Street NW Washington D.C., 20005
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No images? Click here Welcome to The Corner. In this issue, we break down the House antitrust subcommittee’s report on Big Tech and showcase Barry Lynn’s keynote speech to the OECD exposing the damage done to the world economy by neoliberal ideology. Landmark House Report Details Big Tech’s Years of Antitrust Violations and Anti-Competitive Conduct After 16 months, the House Subcommittee on Antitrust, Commercial, and Administrative Law released on Oct. 6 its long-awaited report on Big Tech. The report presents a surfeit of damning evidence against the tech giants and clearly shows that many of the actions of Google, Amazon, and Facebook were intentionally predatory and sought to undermine competition. The Open Markets Institute last week issued this statement applauding Chairman David Cicilline and the subcommittee staff for their work, which resulted in the most important investigation of private corporate power in America in more than a century. The subcommittee’s conclusion is blunt: The actions of Google, Amazon, Facebook, and Apple have “diminished consumer choice, eroded innovation and entrepreneurship in the U.S. economy, weakened the vibrancy of the free and diverse press, and undermined Americans’ privacy.” Beginning after the election, Congress and enforcement agencies will likely use the report as a guide for legislation and the strengthened enforcement of anti-monopoly law. The 449-page House subcommittee report includes evidence from more than one million documents and seven hearings and other roundtables. The House report was shaped in a variety of ways by Open Markets’ vanguard reporting and analysis over the last decade. For instance, the House report focused extensively on how Google privileged its own products and services by manipulating search results and by imposing restrictions on device manufacturers, to force them to incorporate Google’s services into their products. Amazon engages in similar self-preferencing, promoting its own branded products on Amazon Marketplace. In recent testimony to the Senate, Open Markets Enforcement Director Sally Hubbard laid out in detail how Google and Amazon abused their dominant positions for self-preferencing. The report also proposed powerful remedies, including structural breakups, nondiscrimination, and bright-line rules to simplify antitrust enforcement. Open Markets Legal Director Sandeep Vaheesan has written several prominent op-eds advocating bright-line merger and agency rules to improve enforcement and ensure that firms compete fairly in the market. The report also describes how Amazon used its dominant market power to extract ruinous terms in the U.S. market for books. And it details how even large corporations dare not speak out in response to such abuse of power, for fear that the platforms will punish them for doing so. Both of these issues were main topics in Barry Lynn’s seminal 2012 article “Killing the Competition” in Harper’s. The report’s recommendations offer a detailed blueprint for restoring open and competitive markets. Indeed, as the Department of Justice prepares to file an antitrust lawsuit against Google, the report makes clear that law enforcers will have ample evidence to prove that Google — and Big Tech more generally — has used its power in ways that pose dangers to our economy and democracy. At OECD Conference, Barry Lynn Delivers Keynote Exposing Damage Done by Neoliberal Ideology Open Markets Executive Director Barry C. Lynn delivered a keynote on Oct. 9 at the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development’s (OECD) New Approaches to Economic Challenges conference, “Confronting Planetary Emergencies — Solving Human Problems.” In his speech, Lynn described how the neoliberal philosophy had overthrown “the ideological foundations of the American republic” and affected “every nation in Europe, every democracy in the world.” Lynn also condemned the neoliberal revolution for empowering “private actors in ways that led them to destroy vital human systems of production, communication, innovation, decision, and thought.” The speech was based in part on Lynn’s new book, Liberty from All Masters. Other notable participants included the economists Thomas Piketty and Kenneth Rogoff, Andy Haldane of the Bank of England, and Tyler Goodspeed, acting chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers. 🔊 ANTI-MONOPOLY RISING:
📝 WHAT WE''VE BEEN UP TO:
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📈 VITAL STAT:$1 billionThe amount of money that the Department of Justice has collected from settlements with pharmaceutical companies, such as Pfizer, that violated anti-kickback prohibitions in recent years. Pharmaceutical corporations pay kickbacks to providers to ensure continued purchases of brand drugs, entrenching Big Pharma monopolies in individual drug markets. 📚 WHAT WE''RE READING:
BARRY LYNN’S NEW BOOK
Liberty From All Masters The New American Autocracy vs. The Will of the People St. Martin’s Press has published Open Markets Executive Director Barry Lynn’s new book, Liberty from All Masters. Liberty is Lynn’s first book since 2010’s Cornered. In his new work, Lynn warns of the threat to liberty and democracy posed by Google, Amazon, and Facebook, because of their ability to manipulate the flows of information and business in America. Barry then details how Americans over the course of two centuries built a “System of Liberty,” and shows how we Americans can put this system to work again today. Lynn also offers a hopeful vision for how we can use anti-monopoly law to rebuild our society and our democracy from the ground up. Liberty from All Masters has already made waves for its empowering call to restore democracy by resurrecting forgotten tools and institutions. “Very few thinkers in recent years have done more to shift debate in Washington than Barry Lynn. In Liberty from All Masters, he proves himself as a lyrical theorist and a bold interpreter of history. This book is an elegant summoning of a forgotten tradition that can help the nation usher in a new freedom,” says Franklin Foer, author of World Without Mind and national correspondent for The Atlantic. You can order your copy of Lynn’s book here.
SALLY HUBBARD’S NEW BOOK
MONOPOLIES SUCK 7 Ways Big Corporations Rule Your Life and How to Take Back Control Simon & Schuster will publish Monopolies Suck by Sally Hubbard on Oct. 27. The book is the first by Hubbard, who is Open Markets’ director of enforcement strategy. Hubbard examines how modern monopolies rob Americans of a healthy food supply, the ability to care for the sick, and a habitable planet, because monopolies use business practices that deplete rather than generate. Monopolists also threaten fair elections, our free press, our privacy, and, ultimately, the American Dream, Hubbard shows. In Monopolies Suck, Hubbard reminds readers that antitrust enforcers already have the tools to dismantle corporate power and that decisive action must be taken before monopolies undermine our economy and democracy for generations to come. In Monopolies Suck, Sally provides an important new view of America’s monopoly crisis and of the political and economic harms of concentrated private power. Pre-order your copy here. 🔎 TIPS? COMMENTS? SUGGESTIONS? We would love to hear from you—just reply to this e-mail and drop us a line. Give us your feedback, alert us to competition policy news, or let us know your favorite story from this issue.
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1440 G St NW, Washington, DC 20005 We thought you''d like to be in the know about competition policy news. Liked what you read? Please forward to a friend or colleague.
Written and edited by: Barry Lynn, Michael Bluhm, Daniel A. Hanley, Udit Thakur, and Garphil Julien Image credit: tzahiV via Stock and WikiCommons
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Did someone forward you this newsletter? Photo courtesy of Adam Fagen via Flickr What Pilgrim’s Guilty Plea Means for Poultry Price-Fixing Allegations Last Wednesday the nation’s second-largest poultry processor, Pilgrim’s Pride, announced that it had reached a plea deal with the U.S. Justice Department (DOJ) for price-fixing charges. Their plea hearing in federal court in Colorado will be on November 2nd. The DOJ has already indicted ten current and former poultry industry executives from Pilgrim’s, Tyson Foods, Claxton Farms, Koch Foods, and George’s for conspiring to fix prices and rig bids for chicken sold to restaurants and grocery stores. Additional unnamed individuals and corporations are implicated in the scheme. Pilgrim’s will be the first poultry corporation to plead guilty in this federal probe. The corporation will pay a $110 million fine for restraining competition in purchasing contract negotiations with an unnamed customer. Notably, leading poultry processor Tyson Foods will avoid charges because it was the first corporation from the conspiracy to come forward and cooperate with federal prosecutors. The government’s investigation into the $65 billion poultry industry was likely sparked by several private class-action lawsuits brought since 2016. These suits allege that a massive multi-pronged price-fixing conspiracy turned the low-margin poultry industry into a high-margin business in under a decade, raising prices for buyers and suppressing pay for farmers and workers. Pilgrim’s plea deal and the DOJ’s indictments challenge only a narrow set of specific bid-rigging efforts, compared to the broader conspiracy alleged by private suits. The DOJ could still file additional charges, but even if they do not, consumers, farmers, and workers will have an opportunity to levy broader claims and seek damages through ongoing private suits. In September 2016 an upstate New York wholesaler, Maplevale Farms, accused fourteen poultry processors of conspiring to “fix, raise, maintain, and stabilize” the price of chicken since at least 2008 in a class-action lawsuit. The case claims that poultry processors worked together to manipulate a leading poultry price index and reduced chicken production in 2008, 2009, 2011, and 2012 in order to raise prices. Wholesale chicken prices increased by nearly 50% between 2008 and 2016 even as key input costs, primarily corn and soybeans, fell roughly 20%. Processors reaped record profits. From 2009 to 2016, Tyson’s operating margins grew from 1.6% to 11.9% and between 2012 and 2015 Pilgrim’s grew from 3.8% to 12.77%. This vast alleged conspiracy hinges on a data-sharing service, AgriStats, that provided corporations with extensive detailed information on each other’s operations to identify possible defectors. Maplevale’s allegations spurred several similar suits, including analogous price-fixing conspiracies among pork and turkey processors (both of these suits survived motions to dismiss this week). Poultry farmers and plant workers also filed class actions alleging poultry corporations coordinated through AgriStats to hold down their pay. In June 2019, the Justice Department revealed they were also investigating poultry corporations for price-fixing and temporarily stayed the Maplevale case to prevent private investigations from interfering with their federal probe (the Maplevale case has since resumed). A year later, the DOJ indicted four current and former poultry executives for criminal price-fixing, including then CEO of Pilgrim’s Pride. Earlier this month, they indicted six more. Only the government can seek criminal price-fixing penalties, which include fines and up to 10 years in prison for individuals. Criminal antitrust cases are often more targeted than private suits. Unlike private law firms, the DOJ can collect information from defendants before it brings a case. Despite this important investigative advantage, the government tends to bring specific, easier-to-win criminal cases. But only private firms can seek damages for injured parties, and they want to prove broad harms for as many parties as possible. The DOJ’s indictments include e-mails and texts from poultry executives coordinating annual bids for purchasing contracts with restaurant chains and grocery stores. In one text message, Claxton Poultry’s CEO Mikell Fries told a colleague that Claxton could afford to offer a lower price on a dark meat contract, but after a Pilgrim’s executive shared their proposed offer, he agreed to submit a higher bid. While we do not know what criminal charges DOJ brought against Pilgrim’s Pride, they are likely aligned with these executive indictments. We do know that Pilgrim’s will only plead guilty to a “restraint of competition” in three contract negotiations with just one customer and that the corporation will pay a $110 million fine. That’s nearly one-fourth of Pilgrim’s 2019 net income and Pilgrim’s said it will write off the fine as “a miscellaneous expense” in its third-quarter financials. The Wall Street Journal reports Pilgrim’s received a smaller fine for cooperating with the investigation. Even with this guilty plea and damning transcripts from poultry executives, the government’s charges do not directly prove the case for broader class actions. Pilgrim’s will claim they only conspired to rig these three bids, nothing more. While $110 million is a steep fine for what Pilgrim’s will plead to, it is likely inconsequential compared to what they may have gained from an alleged industry-wide conspiracy. Private cases will be able to seek additional charges and damages, and former DOJ antitrust attorney, Peter Carstensen expects further settlements. “My guess is that … the defendants’ lawyers have been talking to their clients about what they can put up,” Carstensen says. “I think there’s enormous pressure to settle right now.” It also remains to be seen if the government will seek civil remedies and injunctions that order corporations to change their behavior, such as forbidding certain information exchange. Several private class-action cases ask for injunctive relief in addition to damages. And in the absence of civil remedies, Carstensen notes that the Department of Agriculture has the power to introduce new regulations for consolidated agricultural markets prone to white-collar crime. “The U.S Department of Agriculture under the Packers and Stockyards Act has authority to adopt rules regulating marketing practices in livestock and poultry,” says Carstensen. “USDA [could] adopt some new rules regulating information exchange in poultry.” Find and share this story originally published on Food & Power. What We''re Reading
About the Open Markets InstituteThe Open Markets Institute promotes political, industrial, economic, and environmental resilience. We do so by documenting and clarifying the dangers of extreme consolidation, and by fostering discussions of ways to reestablish America’s political economy on a more stable and fair foundation. Follow F&P on Twitter | Subscribe to this Newsletter | F&P Website | Contact Us Written by Claire Kelloway
Edited by Phil Longman, Katherine Dill, and Sandeep Vaheesan Open Markets Institute 1440 G Street NW Washington D.C., 20005
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Please join Open Markets and the OECD for a virtual event on Thursday, April 23rd as we explore what''s next.
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The economic response to the COVID-19 crisis has illuminated the many ways our economy is set up to reinforce corporate power. While the Federal Reserve was eager and able to quickly support Wall Street and large corporations, smaller businesses have been forced to navigate an atrophied Small Business Administration, working through a consolidated banking sector, to access available relief. The result has been a soaring stock market, buoyed by the Fed's no-strings-attached commitment to buying corporate debt, on the one hand, while smaller businesses remain in a state of precarity, with small businesses owned by people of color disproportionately excluded from support, on the other.
This "tale of two bailouts" reveals both a structural inability and, in the case of the Fed, indifference, to robustly and equitably assist small businesses and the jobs and communities they support. As COVID-19 and our leaders' responses to it continue to transform our economy, policymakers and advocates must rethink the ways that public institutions are contributing to consolidated corporate power - not just through their actions, but by design.
Join the American Economic Liberties Project on Friday, June 19th at 1:00 PM for a conversation between Congresswoman Katie Porter (D-Calif.), who sits on the House Financial Services Committee and has demanded better oversight of the coronavirus bailouts, and Economic Liberties'' Executive Director Sarah Miller.
After that, we'll hear from the Honorable Sarah Bloom Raskin, former Deputy Secretary of the Treasury and Governor of the Federal Reserve Board, Mehrsa Baradaran, Professor of Law at the University of California, Irvine, Sam Long, a Boston-based small business investor, and Graham Steele, Senior Fellow at Economic Liberties and director of the Corporations and Society Initiative at Stanford Graduate School of Business.
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No images? Click here Welcome to The Corner. In this issue, we discuss proposals for a merger moratorium for the duration of the COVID-19 crisis, an online conference on building resilient international systems that was co-hosted by the Open Market Instituteand the OECD, as well as the online conference on right to repair that Open Markets co-hosted with U.S. PIRG. Lawmakers Propose Merger Moratorium for Duration of COVID-19 Crisis
Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-MA) and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (NY-14) proposed legislation on Tuesday to halt mergers by corporations and funds larger than $100 million in revenue or financial firms with market capitalization of more than $100 million, in order to protect the American public from further consolidation and concentration of power and control during a time of crisis. The legislators’ plan would ban mergers and acquisitions by large corporations until the Federal Trade Commission (FTC)“determines that small businesses, workers, and consumers are no longer under severe financial distress.” Rep. David Cicilline (RI-1), chairman of the House Antitrust Subcommittee, on April 23 called for a similar merger moratorium at an conference sponsored by the Open Markets Institute. The proposal by Sen. Warren and Rep. Ocasio-Cortez tracks closely with the outlines of a letter that the Open Markets Institute published in March. In that letter, Open Markets urged Congress, the Trump administration, and federal and state law enforcement agencies to “use their various powers to impose an immediate ban on all mergers and acquisitions by any corporation with more than $100 million in annual revenue, and by any financial institution or equity fund with more than $100 million in capitalization.” Open Markets wrote then that a moratorium on mergers was needed to prevent a wholesale concentration of additional power by corporations that already dominate or largely control their markets, especially in ways that may significantly worsen the crisis that now threatens America’s health care, social, and economic systems. Without a merger ban, Americans will face even greater concentration and increased economic and political inequality after the pandemic. While most independent businesses are facing hardship, corporations such as Apple have plenty of available cash and are ready to use it immediately for takeovers. Sen. Warren and Rep. Ocasio-Cortez’s proposal can be read here. Open Markets’ proposal can be read here. Open Markets Co-Hosts Online Conference With OECD to Develop Resilient Systems The Open Markets Institute last Thursday hosted a conference in conjunction with the Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development (OECD) on how to rebuild the international production system to ensure its resiliency and to promote more effective cooperation among the peoples of the world. The overwhelming consensus of participants was that concentration of power and capacity deeply threatens the ability of all nations to cope with crises such as COVID-19 and poses grave dangers to U.S. and European security. Participants in the conference included Nobel Prize-winning economist Paul Romer, Financial Times editor Rana Foroohar, International Trade Union Confederation General Secretary Sharan Burrow, OECD Chief Economist Laurence Boone, former Director-General of the World Trade Organization Pascal Lamy, former Deputy Governor of the Bank of England Paul Tucker, Center for Infectious Disease Research and Policy at the University of Minnesota Director Michael Osterholm, FTC Commissioner Rohit Chopra, and Michael Masters, founder of Masters Capital Management and chair of Better Markets. Congressman David Cicilline (D-RI) gave the keynote speech for the event. The conversation focused on a variety of dangers, including the extreme concentration of vital medical and pharmaceutical supplies in China, the fragility of complex industrial systems, and the ways in which today’s international supply chains harm millions of workers around the world. Gabriela Ramos, OECD chief of staff and liaison to the G20, said that it was vital that international leaders address the dangers posed by consolidation of capacity. “There is a tradeoff between resilience and efficiency,” she said. Angel Gurría, secretary-general of the OECD, concluded the event, telling Open Markets’ Executive Director Barry Lynn that “You give us a vision, and then our mission … becomes clearer. We have a greater sense of purpose. It’s invaluable.” Martin Wolf wrote in the Financial Times that the conference had asked a “big question … whether the essential systems that keep our societies running are adequately resilient.” Unfortunately, he concludes, the “answer is no.” The conference was co-hosted by the New Approaches to Economic Challenges initiative (NAEC) at the OECD. The entire conference can be viewed here. Open Markets Co-Hosts Online Conference on Right to Repair with U.S. PIRG Open Markets Institute co-hosted a webinar on April 21 with the U.S. Public Interest Research Group on how product manufacturers deprive Americans of the right to repair the products that they have purchased. The conference featured Open Markets policy analyst Daniel Hanley, Food & Power writer Claire Kelloway, and U.S. PIRG’s Campaign Director for the right to repair Nathan Proctor. The event focused on how dominant manufacturers exploit repair restrictions to create monopoly power in theaftermarkets for product parts, service manuals, and diagnostic software. The conference highlighted the rising number of consumers who say that they should be able to fix what they own. The conference was based in large part on a new report by Open Markets, Fixing America: Breaking Manufacturers’ Aftermarket Monopoly and Restoring Consumers’ Right to Repair. The report exposes how a deadly combination of anemic antitrust enforcement and technological development have allowed manufacturers to purposefully adopt exclusionary practices and cut off the tools necessary for repair. Our report makes clear that lawmakers, antitrust enforcers, and regulators have many policy tools that can reopen repair markets, such as bringing antitrust lawsuits for predatory design tactics that restrict the right to repair or for exclusive dealing that restricts where owners can go to repair their products. The full report can be read here. The full webinar can be viewed here. 🔊 ANTI-MONOPOLY RISING:
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Written by: Barry Lynn, Phil Longman, Michael Bluhm, and Daniel A. Hanley Edited by: Barry Lynn, Phil Longman, Michael Bluhm, Daniel A. Hanley, and Udit Thakur Image credit: uschools, wutwhanfoto, and blackred via iStock
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No images? Click here Welcome to The Corner. In this issue, we discuss Open Markets’ proposal to ban mergers during the COVID-19 pandemic and how the ventilator shortage demonstrates how monopolists make us unsafe. To read previous editions of The Corner, click here. The Shortage of Ventilators Demonstrates How Concentration Makes Us Unsafe
The New York Times reported last week that a 2012 acquisition by multinational medical device manufacturer Covidien stopped the planned production of highly affordable ventilators that the government had sought to produce in case of a national emergency. The lack of ventilators might well cost the lives of Americans suffering from COVID-19. As the Times report made clear, this shortage appears to be the result of an anti-competitive acquisition. In 2008, Newport Medical Instruments, a small medical device company in California, was awarded a government contract to produce 40,000 ventilators. These ventilators were meant to provide a buffer to meet the demand from hospitals during a national emergency, such as a pandemic, when lifesaving ventilators are needed. By 2010, Newport had developed a highly capable ventilator and had managed to lower the per-unit price to $3,000. However, after Newport was acquired by Covidien for $100 million, Covidien canceled the government contract, and no ventilators were ever produced for the original government project. As the total number of confirmed U.S. cases from COVID-19 surpassed 200,000 this week, hospitals are increasingly in dire need of ventilators for infected patients. New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo said his state, the hardest hit by the outbreak, will need 30,000 ventilators. The United States, however, only has 12,700 ventilators in the Strategic National Stockpile. The government has even asked Ford and General Motors to produce ventilators to increase our national supply. The ventilator shortage means that medical professionals will have to make difficult decisions, rationing ventilators to infected patients. Many of those hospitalized might die - unnecessarily - as a consequence of these decisions. Public officials and rivals say that Covidien bought Newport to eliminate Newport as a competitor in the ventilator business. Covidien pulled out of the government contract in 2014, possibly because the deal was not profitable enough for the company and would reduce its profits for its existing ventilator products. Covidien’s purchase of Newport is an example of a literal “killer acquisition” - one that has life or death consequences for individual Americans and families. This acquisition should have been illegal under antitrust law, as the merger substantially lessened competition in the already highly concentrated ventilator industry. In recent years, many reformers have adopted a framework of analysis based on the idea that the political economy has been “financialized” by Wall Street, and that this process has shifted economic activity away from making things to making money. But as the Times article on ventilator production makes clear, there is a much more simple explanation. This is that the radical overthrow of anti-monopoly law a generation ago freed monopolists and mercantilists to consolidate power over entire realms of the political economy, and to use their power in ways that degrade and destroy entire systems of production on which we rely for many of our most vital goods and services. As we noted in the last newsletter, in many instances this has resulted in the destruction of the redundancy of production necessary to ensure the resiliency and stability of the industrial systems themselves. In other instances, it has resulted in the destruction of vital industrial arts and skills, of machines and assembly lines, and of systems of innovation necessary to produce face masks, antibiotics, ventilators, and other manufactured items that keep us healthy and safe. The Open Markets team has pioneered reporting and analysis of this process of destruction. An early example was the 2005 book End of the Line, with its close analysis of how Boeing was wielding power in ways that destroyed its own supply system. The Open Markets team developed this analysis further in the Harper’s article “Breaking the Chain” in 2006 and in the 2010 book Cornered: The New Monopoly Capitalism and the Economics of Destruction. Read more of our important and timely work on these issues here:
Open Markets Calls for Ban on Takeovers by Large Corporations and Funds for Duration of Crisis The Open Markets Institute last week called on Congress, the Trump administration, and federal and state law enforcement agencies to impose an immediate ban on all mergers and acquisitions by any corporation with more than $100 million in annual revenue and by any financial institution or equity fund with more than $100 million in capitalization. The ban should remain in place for the duration of the present crisis. These mergers should be prohibited because the Antitrust Division of the Department of Justice (DOJ), the Federal Trade Commission (FTC), and other law enforcement agencies are now unable to effectively evaluate mergers, given the semi-closure of government because of COVID-19. More fundamentally, the ban is necessary to prevent a wholesale concentration of additional power by corporations that already dominate or largely dominate their industries, especially in ways that may significantly worsen the crisis that now threatens America’s health, social, and economic systems. The history of the panic of 2008 and the subsequent Great Recession instructs us that such a massive, uncontrolled consolidation will result in the unnecessary firing of millions of employees, the unnecessary bankrupting of innumerable independent businesses, a dramatic slowing of innovation in vital industries such as pharmaceuticals, and a further concentration of power and control dangerous both to our democracy and our open commercial systems. Federal regulators can take up the review of larger mergers once the health crisis has passed, but they should presume that deals pursued by corporations with more than $100 million in annual revenue, and by financial institutions or equity funds with more than $100 million in capitalization, are anti-competitive unless proven otherwise. Meanwhile, Congress should also make any corporate bailouts conditional on recipients not buying their competitors. We believe these measures are also merited because of the role concentration has played in undermining our public health, industrial, and financial systems in ways that have dramatically contributed to the COVID-19 crisis. Among other things, we believe such a temporary ban on takeovers by larger corporations and investment funds will immediately help to protect American jobs, promote industrial resiliency, and protect democratic institutions. Our full proposal can be read here. 🔊 ANTI-MONOPOLY RISING:
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Written by: Barry Lynn, Phil Longman, Michael Bluhm, and Daniel A. Hanley Edited by: Barry Lynn, Phil Longman, Michael Bluhm, Daniel A. Hanley, and Udit Thakur Image credit: uschools and ugurhan via iStock
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Did someone forward you this newsletter? Photo courtesy of iStock by Getty Images JBS Aims to Shutter Critical Western US Lamb Processor, DOJ Issues a “Standstill” Order In a few weeks, many Western sheep ranchers might not have a place to slaughter their lambs. Global meatpacking giant JBS last month won the bankruptcy auction for the Mountain State Rosen (MSR) lamb processing plant in Greeley, Colorado. The plant, formerly owned by a cooperative, processed as much as one-fifth of all U.S. lamb, and served ranchers from 15 states. The plant also directly competed with JBS, which imports lamb to sell in the United States. JBS planned to immediately shut down lamb processing and convert the facility to process beef, threatening U.S. sheep ranchers already leveled by COVID-19. After a rancher and 12 Republican senators and House members sent letters to the executive branch urging antitrust action, the Department of Justice (DOJ) last week issued a “standstill” order preventing JBS from closing or converting the plant for 30 days, according to sources familiar with the deal. However, it remains to be seen whether the DOJ will conduct a full investigation or whether the plant can be meaningfully revived. Meanwhile, ranchers are struggling to find processing alternatives ahead of the annual autumn increase in lamb purchasing. A glut of slaughter-ready lambs could collapse prices. “It’s going to devastate the ranch economy,” says Joe Maxwell, co-founder of the Family Farm Action Alliance. “No single event better demonstrates the harms of concentration, and no single event will have greater economic harm than JBS’s actions to take this plant offline.” Today, there are just more than 5 million commercial sheep in the United States, down more than 90% from a peak of 56 million in 1942. Herds fell by half when demand for wool and lamb collapsed after World War II, and the industry shrunk further through the ‘60s and ‘70s as consumers swapped wool for synthetic fibers and lamb for industrialized beef, poultry, and pork. The few remaining sheep ranchers face immense price pressure from consolidated packers and growing imports. Between 1980 and 2005, the number of packers, plants, and auction houses buying sheep fell by 70% largely due to mergers, acquisitions, and plant closures. By 2005, just four firms processed 70% of all federally inspected lamb, with even larger degrees of regional concentration. “We’ve seen the market basically go away. You used to have 10, 12, 15 packing houses – now you have four or five,” says sixth-generation rancher Carson Jorgensen. “The best way for me to explain it is there isn’t really a market … For the sheep industry, it is a price – take it or leave it.” On top of packer consolidation, in the 1990s a strong U.S. dollar allowed multinational packers to make more money by importing lamb from Australia and New Zealand than by processing lamb in the United States. Between 1990 and 2005, these dynamics and successful marketing campaigns helped Australian and New Zealand products grow from just 10% of U.S. lamb consumption to nearly half. JBS is one of the largest lamb importers, if not the largest. “You’ve had this dynamic going on. Constant downward pressure on price through the imports, and constant downward pressure on price due to concentration,” explains Maxwell. “The tragedy of JBS here is they are not threatened at all by shutting down a lamb plant … because they’ll just bring in foreign product. It works very well in their best interest.” JBS actually owned the Greeley lamb plant for nearly a decade before selling it to MSR in 2015, said Frank Moore, chairman of MSR’s board of directors. Until that point, the cooperative had leased half the Greeley plant to run a lamb fabrication business, buying slaughtered lambs from JBS to process into retail cuts. Moore says the deal sought to give cooperative members more control over processing and marketing. “To move our cooperative forward and be sure that we could slaughter our members’ lambs and pay them when we said we would, we needed to have a little better control,” Moore said. “It was a stabilizing force.” MSR shared wastewater and steam services with JBS. Moore says the co-op initially struggled to manage the facility and pay off its debts, but its financial situation was improving even up until it declared bankruptcy. A Canadian firm offered in early 2019 to buy the MSR plant and to continue to buy lambs from cooperative members. After nearly a year of deliberation and negotiation, the co-op reached a deal to sell the plant in January. But in February, JBS refused to share steam and wastewater treatment with the new owner, rendering the plant useless and sabotaging the deal. Shortly thereafter, Moore says, the cooperative’s lender, CoBank, a federally backed entity dedicated to supporting cooperatives, became unexpectedly aggressive in collecting debts. “CoBank worked with us very well for a long time as a cooperative – that’s their mandate,” Moore says. “When JBS showed an interest in our plant, they stopped working with us that day.” Just as restaurants began to shut down in March because of COVID-19, CoBank sent a letter demanding that MSR liquidate its assets, and it declared bankruptcy. Moore and other MSR board members made a last-ditch effort to buy the plant by forming a new business, Greeley Fab. But JBS outbid Greeley Fab at the bankruptcy auction. A judge approved the $14.25 million transaction, which was not large enough to trigger antitrust review, and JBS announced plans to convert the plant to process beef. More than 200 people who worked at the MSR plant lost their jobs, though a JBS spokesperson said all workers can apply for new jobs with JBS. In a statement sent to Food & Power, a JBS spokesperson said, “We proactively worked with Mountain States Rosen to ensure there would be no disruption to U.S. lamb producers as operations were discontinued. We recently offered to lease back the facility to the former owners for 90 days to ensure continuity for local producers.” But Moore says this offer was both impractical and short-sighted. “Three months didn’t solve the problem; this is a long-term supply issue,” Moore explained. “The suggestion rings pretty hollow.” Jorgensen and Moore say lamb ranchers are scrambling for alternatives, even looking for old plants to buy and bring online. Many specialty and smaller-scale meat processors are booked for months in advance because of COVID-19 supply chain disruptions. Ranchers hope that a new Colorado plant, slated to open in September, can fill the gap. Unlike the MSR plant, however, this new facility can only process whole lambs, which are not as popular as retail cuts. “Everyone is saying this new plant will be the save-all end-all, but that’s not the case,” Jorgensen argues. Jorgensen sent a letter urging Vice President Mike Pence to take antitrust action against the deal, which quickly prompted a dozen senators and representatives from Western states to send their own letter to Assistant Attorney General Makan Delrahim, asking the DOJ to open an antitrust investigation into the acquisition. Jorgensen and sources familiar with the deal say that the DOJ ordered JBS to cease any changes to the plant for 30 days, but an investigation has not been announced. Moore has not been contacted by the DOJ regarding the issue. In the meantime, Moore says that MSR’s customers are looking for new sources of lamb, MSR employees are looking for new jobs, and many ranchers are still left without options for processing. Even if the DOJ does require JBS to divest the plant, damage has already been done. “We’ll have lambs with no place to go,” says Moore. “Customers looking for those lambs will have to look someplace else for product, and that’s where JBS comes back into the picture, because they can bring imported product in.” Find and share this story originally published on Food & Power. What We''re Reading
About the Open Markets InstituteThe Open Markets Institute promotes political, industrial, economic, and environmental resilience. We do so by documenting and clarifying the dangers of extreme consolidation, and by fostering discussions of ways to reestablish America’s political economy on a more stable and fair foundation. Follow F&P on Twitter | Subscribe to this Newsletter | F&P Website | Contact Us Written by Claire Kelloway
Edited by Michael Bluhm and Phil Longman Open Markets Institute 1440 G Street NW Washington D.C., 20005
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Did someone forward you this newsletter? Seabass aquaculture farm, photo courtesy of iStock EPA Permit for Experimental Ocean Fish Farm Sparks Environmental and Economic Debate Last week, the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) granted a permit to an experimental ocean fish farm in the Gulf of Mexico on the very same day that dozens of fishers, environmentalists, and community members held a hearing to voice concerns about the project. The Velella Epsilon project is the latest flashpoint in a much larger debate about opening federal waters to offshore fish farms, which a recent executive order and Senate bill aim to do. Proponents argue that the U.S. needs more domestic seafood production and that raising fish farther offshore can solve the problems associated with coastal fish farms. Opponents say that offshore aquaculture poses too many unknowns and environmental risks, with profits likely accruing to larger businesses at small fishers’ expense. As overfishing threatens to deplete wild fish stocks, experts increasingly look to farm-raised fish to fill global demand for seafood. Aquaculture has been the fastest growing form of food production in the world, and 2014 marked the first time that more of the world’s fish came from aquaculture than from wild harvests. Aquaculture represented 20% of U.S. seafood production in 2017. Proponents want to expand the industry to produce more seafood domestically. Americans largely consume imported seafood, but because the U.S. also exports 80% of its wild catch, it is hard to know how much domestic product comes back as processed imports. One study estimated that 35% of seafood consumed in the U.S. was caught or raised here. The U.S. aquaculture industry currently consists of indoor recirculating fish tanks, seaweed or shellfish cultures, and floating fish pens in coastal state waters. Of these methods, raising fish in ocean pens is by far the most controversial – Washington state and Alaska have restricted or fully banned finfish farming in state waters, primarily to protect their wild fisheries. Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau also campaigned on a pledge to phase out finfish net pens in British Columbia by 2025. But proponents argue that allowing ocean fish farms in deeper federal waters can resolve historic issues with the practice. Deeper Waters, Diffuse Waste Large ocean fish farms introduce massive amounts of waste into the water. Excess concentrations of nitrogen and phosphorus from fish poop can feed oxygen-sucking algae blooms, which are a particular concern for coastal communities around the Gulf, where recent red tide events fouled beaches and killed marine life. “Adding nitrogen and phosphate to our warm Gulf waters is too risky and dangerous, even on a trial basis,” said Jen Ahearn-Koch, the mayor of Sarasota, at recent hearing discussing the Velella project. However, the EPA determined that the Velella Epsilon farm “will not cause a significant impact on the environment.” The farm would raise 20,000 almaco jack (also known as kampachi or longfin yellowtail) 45 miles off the coast of Sarasota, Florida, producing up to 80,000 pounds of fish. That is roughly 1% the size of a commercial offshore fish farm, according to Neil Sims, the CEO of Ocean Era, which is behind the project. “The project hopes to demonstrate to the Florida fishing and boating community that offshore aquaculture – when done properly – will be something that they can embrace,” Sims says. Given the lower fish density and, most critically, the offshore location of the farm, the EPA determined that deeper waters and faster currents significantly decrease concentrations of fish waste in the waters around the facility. Initial research supports these findings, but experts say that offshore aquaculture is still a new and understudied industry. “We’re waiting on there to be more research, and it needs to be more specific to these regions,” says Liz Nussbaumer, project director for Seafood, Public Health & Food Systems at the Johns Hopkins Center for a Livable Future. “They each face different diseases pressures, environmental challenges. … For the Gulf, we don’t know enough to make a super educated statement.” In addition to fish waste, offshore aquaculture introduces fish feed, antibiotics, and other medicines into the ocean. “This effluent is not normal fish waste,” says Hallie Templeton, senior oceans campaigner for Friends of the Earth. “There’s a slew of other chemicals that these farms use domestically and abroad.” For Velella and future Ocean Era farms, Sims says, “our priority would be to rely on good animal welfare standards, good siting, and good nutrition to optimize animal health and reduce reliance on therapeutants.” EPA’s permit does allow Ocean Era to use antibiotics and medicines but said they “will not likely be used.” The sight will also routinely test waters for effluents.
Gulf shrimping boat, photo courtesy of iStock Friend or Foe to Fishing Communities? Some fishing communities fear that ocean fish farms will harm wild fisheries and displace small- to midsized fishers. Washington, Alaska, and British Columbia have all made moves to restrict or ban finfish farming for fear that farmed fish will spread disease to their wild salmon fisheries or, worse yet, will escape and forever alter the wild gene pool. In 2017, as many as 263,000 farmed Atlantic salmon escaped from a Cooke Aquaculture farm in Puget Sound, potentially breeding and competing with native Pacific salmon, which tribal communities especially rely on. Escapes are a particular concern in the Gulf, where frequent storms and hurricanes could disturb cages. However, Sims says Ocean Era uses new, stronger cages that can lower into the ocean to ride out storms, something not common in coastal fish farms. The farm will also raise native fish from local brood stock, so potential escapes would not introduce novel competitors or foreign genes. Sims says that aquaculture can benefit fishing communities, pointing to Ocean Era’s farms in Hawaii, which draw in wild tuna, mahimahi, and other fish for recreational and commercial anglers to catch near the pens. “The local fishing community in Kona loves our offshore aquaculture pens,” says Sims. “You know where to go to get the fish – it’s like an oasis in the desert.” However, fishers at a recent hearing and organizations representing fishing communities say they are concerned about the larger threat that aquaculture poses to their livelihoods. “Offshore aquaculture is framed as a way of boosting the domestic seafood industry, which is quite misleading, because it will hurt and displace fishermen more than anything,” says Rosanna Marie Neil, policy counsel for Northwest Atlantic Marine Alliance, which represents small- to midsized fishers. “It will flood the U.S. with these farmed fish that are not going to be the same quality as wild caught fish.” Neil says aquaculture has not yet relieved the pressure on wild fisheries, but rather has increased the overall supply of seafood and, in some cases, collapsed wild fish prices. Neil also worries that capital-intensive large-scale offshore aquaculture will spell more corporate control in a consolidating fishing industry. “The seafood system already heavily favors the industrial fleets and the big corporate entities,” Neil says. “You’ll potentially have these corporate entities that are controlling both wild caught seafood and farmed seafood.” While the industry is still nascent, there are already large, vertically integrated multinational corporate leaders in aquaculture, such as Cooke Aquaculture and Norway’s Mowi. Fast-Tracking Future Fish Farms The Velella Epsilon project is not a massive facility, but it could open the way for one. A recent executive order by President Trump seeks to “remove unnecessary regulatory burdens” to grow U.S. aquaculture, including limiting environmental review and authorization of aquaculture facilities to two years. “This is meant to be a precedent-setting decision and operation to open the door to putting more facilities in the Gulf,” says Templeton. “If the federal government is hoping to place finfish aquaculture facilities in open waters, the way to do it is not through a streamlined permitting system, it is not through a rushed two-year environmental rushed review.” Sims said that Ocean Era will apply for a larger commercial project in the Gulf, but the company has not decided on its scale nor which fish it would cultivate. As it stands, no single agency oversees offshore aquaculture regulation, and new facilities need permits from several agencies for different aspects of their business. A judge recently determined that the agency overseeing wild fisheries, the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA), does not have authority to issue permits for ocean aquaculture or to set new rules for the industry. But a recently introduced Senate bill would change that and put NOAA in charge of creating new aquaculture regulations and coordinating the federal permitting process with other relevant agencies. Sims supports this legislation, as does the coalition Stronger America Through Seafood whose members include employees of aquaculture corporations, fish feed makers such as Cargill, and seafood sellers Red Lobster and Sysco. On the other hand, Templeton and members of the Don’t Cage Our Oceans coalition, which includes environmental organizations, groups of small fish producers, and the Indigenous Environmental Network, oppose the bill. Several of these groups support land-based recirculating tanks – which can filter fish waste into compost or use it to grow plants – as a farmed fish alternative that does not rely on the ocean. Neil and Templeton also encouraged investments in domestic processing and smaller fishers with ecosystems-based management. Ultimately, the offshore aquaculture debate poses fundamental questions about how the U.S. can sustainably meet seafood demand and about who will manage and profit from its production. Policy and technology could enable a future of environmentally sound, commercial scale, community- or worker-owned aquaculture facilities on land and sea. However, with agribusiness giants lobbying for the industry, aquaculture could mirror industrial livestock production, in that a few corporations may profit at the expense of coastal communities and the environment. Find and share this story originally published on Food & Power.
Legal Update
What We''re Reading
About the Open Markets InstituteThe Open Markets Institute promotes political, industrial, economic, and environmental resilience. We do so by documenting and clarifying the dangers of extreme consolidation, and by fostering discussions of ways to reestablish America’s political economy on a more stable and fair foundation. Follow F&P on Twitter | Subscribe to this Newsletter | F&P Website | Contact Us Written by Claire Kelloway
Edited by Phil Longman and Michael Bluhm Open Markets Institute 1440 G Street NW Washington D.C., 20005
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Did someone forward you this newsletter? Photo courtesy of iStock by Getty Images U.S. Lifts Ban on Brazilian Beef, Threatening Ranchers and Consumers Food safety officials lifted a ban on Friday on Brazilian beef imports, introducing a potential windfall for multinational meatpackers and significant threats to American ranchers and consumers. The U.S. had banned imports of raw beef from Brazil in June 2017, following an international food safety scandal in which several Brazilian meatpackers bribed health inspectors to ship rotten and tainted meat around the world. The ban included the world’s largest meatpacker, JBS, which is currently under investigation by the Justice Department for bribing public officials to help finance massive acquisitions of leading U.S. meatpacking corporations. Despite passing recent audits by the USDA Food Safety Inspection Service (FSIS), food safety advocates argue that Brazilian beef still poses a risk to U.S. consumers. Meanwhile, farmer and rancher organizations feel threatened by competition from cheap Brazilian beef, especially because imported beef does not need to carry a country-of-origin label and can even be labeled as a product of the U.S.A. if it is repackaged in a U.S. facility. “Consumers cannot distinguish this cheaper beef from the superior, safer, and higher-quality beef produced by America''s cattle farmers and ranchers,” said Bill Bullard, CEO of the Ranchers-Cattlemen Action Legal Fund (R-CALF), in a statement. The strategic use of cheaper, undifferentiated imports from Brazil will cause financial harm to domestic ranchers and farmers by destabilizing the U.S. cattle market, he added. The U.S. placed a ban on raw beef from Brazil after Brazil’s Federal Police found that several meatpackers had bribed health inspectors to approve expired and adulterated foods and falsify sanitation permits. An investigation revealed that government health officials and leading global meatpackers, including JBS and BRF, had used carcinogenic acids to mask rotten meat and deliberately approved meat products contaminated with salmonella, among other transgressions. JBS is also under at least two investigations by the Justice Department, one for colluding with other U.S. poultry processors to raise the price of chicken, and another for violating the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act. JBS executives have admitted to giving roughly $150 million in bribes to more than 1,800 government officials over several years to receive favorable financing from Brazil’s state-owned bank, among other benefits. JBS used these funds to finance major acquisitions across the globe, including the takeover of Swift & Co., then the third-largest U.S. beef and pork packer, as well as Pilgrim’s Pride, then the world’s second-largest poultry processor. JBS has already agreed to pay $3.2 billion to settle a Brazilian corruption case for these charges. The FSIS conducted an audit earlier this year and last summer to determine whether raw beef from Brazil met U.S. food safety standards and addressed the concerns of previous audits. FSIS concluded that Brazil’s food inspection systems were sufficient, but the advocacy group Food & Water Watch contends otherwise. In a statement, the organization pointed to Brazil’s long history of food safety violations as well as to a recent study in which Brazilian microbiologists found that almost 70% of sampled beef factories contained strains of listeria. “The Brazilian meat inspection system is still out of order and should be treated as such,” said Tony Corbo, senior government affairs representative for Food & Water Action, in the statement. To make matters worse, consumers have no way of knowing whether they’re buying beef from Brazil. Since the repeal of mandatory country-of-origin labeling for pork and beef, many meat products do not need to disclose where they came from. Because of a labeling loophole, raw beef imported and repackaged in a U.S. facility can be labeled a U.S. product, misleading consumers even further. Nearly 500 cattle producers and a coalition of more than 20 agricultural organizations rallied last fall to contest this policy, calling for a halt to the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement until mandatory country-of-origin labeling was reinstated. They did not succeed, and now ranchers worry that an influx of cheaper, mislabeled Brazilian beef will undercut U.S. producers already feeling squeezed by multinational meatpackers. The Brazilian corporations JBS and Marfrig are two of the four largest beef packers in the United States. “Producers here will be forced to take whatever price is offered to them,” says Angela Huffman, executive director of the Organization for Competitive Markets (OCM). “That’s already the case a lot of the time, but it will be true even more so now, [when] these corporations have unfettered access to the market.” The USDA’s own economic analysis of this decision estimated that Brazilian raw beef imports could result in losses of $143 million for U.S. cattle producers. The agency rationalized this blow by saying consumers could benefit from cheaper beef. In practice, however, the price consumers pay for beef has remained flat or increased in recent years, even as the price paid to beef producers has fallen. All this leads groups such as OCM and R-CALF to contend that consumers only stand to lose trust in their beef supply, given Brazil’s food safety concerns. Meanwhile, packers will profit from further squeezing ranchers in both the U.S. and Brazil. “We just don’t see anything positive about it for anybody except JBS and Marfrig,” says Huffman. Find and share this story originally published on Food & Power What We''re Reading
About the Open Markets InstituteThe Open Markets Institute promotes political, industrial, economic, and environmental resilience. We do so by documenting and clarifying the dangers of extreme consolidation, and by fostering discussions of ways to reestablish America’s political economy on a more stable and fair foundation. Follow F&P on Twitter | Subscribe to this Newsletter | F&P Website | Contact Us Written by Claire Kelloway
Edited by Phil Longman and Michael Bluhm Open Markets Institute 1440 G Street NW Washington D.C., 20005
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Please join Open Markets and U.S. PIRG for a virtual event on Tuesday, April 21st as we explore what''s next.
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No images? Click here Welcome to The Corner. In this issue, we examine Nov. 3 ballot initiatives that aimed to rein in corporate power, and we break down the European Union’s groundbreaking lawsuit against Amazon. Election 2020 Takeaway: Ballot Initiatives Boost Privacy Protection and Right to Repair, but Harm Gig Workers Corporate power was on the ballot on Nov. 3, in referenda from coast to coast, with a few important victories for the anti-monopoly movement and one major defeat. In California, the approval of Proposition 24 marked a major victory for breaking Big Tech’s ability to gather and wield data in dangerous ways. OMI Senior Fellow Johnny Ryan helped draft the language of Prop 24, which established the California Privacy Rights Act (CPRA) as an update to the California Consumer Privacy Act. The CPRA mandates the creation of a new privacy enforcement agency and provides $10 million to fund the agency. Crucially, the CPRA gives internet users the right to opt out of any sharing of their data by the corporations that collect online data. The new legislation sets a benchmark definition of behavioral advertising, using the term “cross-context behavioral advertising,” to identify the kinds of data harvesting that pose the greatest potential for harm. Building on this definition, the CPRA bans all organizations from using personal data except for the specific purpose for which the organization collected the data. This policy should prevent Facebook, Google, Amazon, and other dominant platforms from selling data to other corporations and from transferring data among internal corporate divisions. In Massachusetts, voters overwhelmingly approved Question 1, which amends and broadens state law that gives car owners the right to repair their vehicles. The new law requires carmakers who produce cars with telematic systems to include a standardized, open data platform, which will give owners and mechanics direct access to a car’s data. This access will allow owners and independent mechanics to retrieve mechanical data, to run diagnostics tests through a mobile platform, and to send commands to the vehicle for maintenance, diagnostics, and repairs. In California, Uber, DoorDash, and other dominant gig-economy platforms led a successful campaign for Proposition 22, which gave these corporations an exemption from classifying their workers as employees and allowing their workers to organize. The corporations spent more than $200 million to support the referendum, a record on referendum spending. By classifying their workers as independent contractors, gig platforms do not have to pay minimum wage or overtime, or provide any other form of employment benefits, and they can maintain their disproportionate power over the workers who depend on these jobs. Moreover, labor advocates point out that Prop 22 perpetuates racial power imbalances, because the workers of gig corporations are disproportionately people of color, who will continue to be denied their basic labor rights. EU Sues Amazon for Harvesting Rivals’ Data to Gain Unfair Competitive Advantage European Union regulators on Tuesday filed the first major antitrust lawsuit against Amazon, accusing the online retail behemoth of violating competition laws by spying on companies that sell on its platform, and then using that information to copy their products and services. The European Commission also announced on Tuesday that it had begun a parallel investigation into Amazon’s practices with its “buy box,” examining whether Amazon gives preferential treatment to its own products and to those of sellers that pay to use Amazon’s logistics and delivery system. This new probe will explore the criteria that Amazon uses to decide which products get chosen for the “buy box” and for its Prime membership service. The suit by the Directorate-General for Competition follows more than a decade of work by the Open Markets team to expose Amazon’s self-dealing and extortionary practices and to propose remedies. Key works include:
To solve the problem of Amazon both owning the marketplace and acting as a participant in that marketplace, EU regulators could follow the toolkit laid out by Open Markets Legal Director Sandeep Vaheesan in his article explaining the American tradition of using bright line antitrust rules to structure markets and govern the behavior of platforms. One of the foundations of this tradition is an outright ban on platforms competing directly with the companies that depend on them to get to market. 🔊 ANTI-MONOPOLY RISING:
📝 WHAT WE''VE BEEN UP TO:
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📈 VITAL STAT:$235 millionThe amount that Spotify will pay to purchase Megaphone, an ad tech company focused on podcast advertising and publishing. Spotify’s own ad tech business will be able to expand to include thousands of podcasts, using Megaphone’s services. Spotify has been on a buying spree of podcast companies, acquiring Gimlet Media, Anchor, the Ringer, and Joe Rogan during the past few years. The company is the nation’s biggest podcasting platform, with a 25% U.S. market share. 📚 WHAT WE''RE READING:
BARRY LYNN’S NEW BOOK
Liberty From All Masters The New American Autocracy vs. The Will of the People St. Martin’s Press has published Open Markets Executive Director Barry Lynn’s new book, Liberty from All Masters. Liberty is Lynn’s first book since 2010’s Cornered. In his new work, Lynn warns of the threat to liberty and democracy posed by Google, Amazon, and Facebook, because of their ability to manipulate the flows of information and business in America. Barry then details how Americans over the course of two centuries built a “System of Liberty,” and shows how we Americans can put this system to work again today. Lynn also offers a hopeful vision for how we can use anti-monopoly law to rebuild our society and our democracy from the ground up. Liberty from All Masters has already made waves for its empowering call to restore democracy by resurrecting forgotten tools and institutions. “Very few thinkers in recent years have done more to shift debate in Washington than Barry Lynn. In Liberty from All Masters, he proves himself as a lyrical theorist and a bold interpreter of history. This book is an elegant summoning of a forgotten tradition that can help the nation usher in a new freedom,” says Franklin Foer, author of World Without Mind and national correspondent for The Atlantic. You can order your copy of Lynn’s book here.
SALLY HUBBARD’S NEW BOOK
MONOPOLIES SUCK 7 Ways Big Corporations Rule Your Life and How to Take Back Control Simon & Schuster published Monopolies Suck by Sally Hubbard on Oct. 27. The book is the first by Hubbard, who is Open Markets’ director of enforcement strategy. Hubbard examines how modern monopolies rob Americans of a healthy food supply, the ability to care for the sick, and a habitable planet, because monopolies use business practices that deplete rather than generate. Monopolists also threaten fair elections, our free press, our privacy, and, ultimately, the American Dream, Hubbard shows. In Monopolies Suck, Hubbard reminds readers that antitrust enforcers already have the tools to dismantle corporate power and that decisive action must be taken before monopolies undermine our economy and democracy for generations to come. In Monopolies Suck, Sally provides an important new view of America’s monopoly crisis and of the political and economic harms of concentrated private power. Order your copy here. 🔎 TIPS? COMMENTS? SUGGESTIONS? We would love to hear from you—just reply to this e-mail and drop us a line. Give us your feedback, alert us to competition policy news, or let us know your favorite story from this issue.
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Written and edited by: Barry Lynn, Michael Bluhm, Jackie Filson, Daniel A. Hanley, Udit Thakur, and Garphil Julien Image credit: SDI Productions and artJazz via Stock
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No images? Click here Welcome to The Corner. In this issue, we introduce our new report on Amazon, which reveals how the corporation built a surveillance infrastructure to monitor its workers’ every move, and we announce the Oct. 27 publication of Monopolies Suck, the new book by Open Markets Director of Enforcement Sally Hubbard. Remembering Our Friend Ted Halstead In this short note, Open Markets Executive Director Barry Lynn remembers Ted Halstead, who founded the New America think tank, where Barry and Phil Longman first developed the Open Markets concept and built the Open Markets team. Ted died earlier this month at age 52. Barry Lynn’s full statement can be read here. Mall Landlords Buy up Their Tenants, Accelerating Retail’s Collapse Into Amazon’s Black Hole Last week, the French luxury conglomerate LVMH backed out of a $16 billion agreement to buy the Tiffany chain of jewelry stores. But the collapse of that one deal is less a sign of the times than an exception to the current rule, which has seen ever more retail brands brought under the control of a few giant holding companies. Indeed, another deal last week is a more accurate example of how concentrated physical retail has become in the United States. This was the purchase by mall operators Simon Property Group and Brookfield Property Partners of J.C. Penney’s department stores for $800 million, after J.C. Penney filed for bankruptcy in May. Simon Property Group is among the biggest commercial landlords in the country and is the largest mall operator in the U.S., with 204 mall properties. Before the pandemic, Simon held stakes in 400 of the stores in their properties. Since March, however, Simon has acquired Brooks Brothers and Lucky Brand Dungarees, in addition to J.C. Penney. Simon’s acquisitions are a part of what one industry consultant described as a strategy to be “the last mall owner standing.” The J.C. Penney deal is also notable for Simon’s cooperation with Brookfield, the second-largest shopping mall operator, which controls more than 170 properties. Earlier this year, the two also collaborated in an ultimately successful effort to acquire struggling retailer Forever 21 for $81 million. The spate of deals, and the new collaboration, come after a long series of similar moves by the two corporations. In the last decade, Simon in 2010 failed in an attempt to buy General Growth Properties in 2010, the second-largest mall owner at the time. Brookfield then stepped in to buy General Growth in 2018. Not all deals have worked out. In 2015, Macerich, the third-largest mall owner in America, rejected a $16.8 billion offer from Simon. Earlier this year, Simon abandoned a $3.6 billion deal to buy mall owner Taubman Centers, arguing that Taubman had failed to protect its value during the pandemic. This accelerating roll-up of mall operators and retailers by a few giants marks the final stage of a process that began in the 1980s, soon after the Reagan administration radically relaxed antitrust enforcement. The effects were immediate. In the 1960s, there were hundreds of department store companies in the United States and no major chains. By the late 1980s, 10 holding companies had largely rolled up control over department stores. Even before the crash of 2008, private equity firms had loaded massive amounts of debt onto these corporations. The resulting Great Recession then made matters far worse, driving retail sales to their lowest levels in 35 years. Amazon’s hardening monopoly over e-commerce further weakened almost all retailers in the years before the COVID-19 crisis. In 2018, Amazon took almost half of U.S. e-commerce sales and has expanded rapidly into the apparel retail market. That same year, Amazon became the nation’s largest apparel retailer, with $30 billion in sales. The corporation has launched services such as Amazon Fashion, Prime Wardrobe, and Personal Shopper, and has also created more than 100 Amazon-owned fashion brands. Although the deals may look like a smart effort by these commercial real estate conglomerates to take advantage of bargain prices during the pandemic, it’s hard to imagine any of these brands or holding companies prospering in the long run. Simon and Brookfield have precious little experience in apparel retail, and the idea of combining high-end Brooks Brothers with J.C. Penney would be difficult for even the most sophisticated of retailers. More likely, Americans will find themselves in a retail landscape in which Amazon completely dominates online business, while the remaining physical retail outlets are controlled by a few real estate holding corporations, which cooperate more or less openly with Amazon. And indeed, in August The Wall Street Journal reported that Simon was in talks with Amazon to turn empty J.C. Penney and Sears stores into Amazon distribution centers. New Open Markets Report Shows how to Return Co-Ops From Monopolies to Democratic Ownership Alternative In the Populist and Progressive eras, farmers responded to the threat posed by railroad, grain, and meatpacker monopolists by strongly advocating for anti-monopoly laws. They also turned to another critical tool for building power: cooperatives. As a democratic, farmer-owned alternative to investor-owned firms, cooperatives allowed small producers to counterbalance monopoly power in the supply chain. Earlier this week, the Open Markets Institute published Redeeming the Democratic Promise of Agricultural Cooperatives. The report details how cooperatives, if owned by employees or community members rather than by investors and financiers, provide a democratic alternative to traditional corporations, whose business model emphasizes maximizing short-term returns to shareholders, often at the expense of the organizations’ workers. But the report also details how agricultural consolidation has led some cooperatives to become so large and powerful as to resemble the abusive monopolies that they were created to battle against. It’s a story that is closely related to changes in how the United States regulates competition. The same failure to enforce the antitrust laws has also led to increasing concentration among agribusiness players, encouraging cooperatives to consolidate, as well. The number of agricultural cooperatives dropped from roughly 4,000 in 1978 to fewer than 2,000 in 2016, largely due to mergers and buyouts. Monopolistic cooperatives often act much the way monopolistic corporations do, dominating regional markets, squeezing farmers, and failing to protect their members’ interests. Our new report proposes several reforms to revitalize the cooperative as a form of ownership. Our proposals would ensure that cooperatives follow democratic governance principles and serve as an effective counterweight to monopolized supply chains. These reforms include:
Read Open Markets’ full report here. Upcoming Event: Open Markets and the Center for Journalism & Liberty to Host Online Conference on Sept. 23 with Report For America President Steven Waldman The Open Markets Institute and the Center for Journalism & Liberty invite our readers to join an online conference featuring Steven Waldman, president of Report for America, in conversation with media advocates about his new paper and proposals. Waldman’s forthcoming paper outlines a plan to acquire and transfer hundreds of newspapers owned by private equity funds and replant them with local community groups. Waldman will be joined by Elizabeth Hansen, lead researcher of the News Sustainability and Business Models project at the Shorenstein Center on Media, Politics and Public Policy at Harvard''s Kennedy School, and Marc Hand, CEO of Public Media Venture Group. Hansen and Hand are proposing a new National Trust for Local News that would assemble capital to finance the transition of locally owned newspapers to more sustainable forms, including new business models and operating structures. Register for the event here. 🔊 ANTI-MONOPOLY RISING:
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📈 VITAL STAT:81%The percentage of drugs distributed by pharma giants Pfizer and Johnson & Johnson that were created by smaller producers. 📚 WHAT WE''RE READING:
BARRY LYNN’S NEW BOOK
Liberty From All Masters The New American Autocracy vs. The Will of the People St. Martins Press will publish Open Markets Executive Director Barry Lynn’s new book, Liberty From All Masters, on September 29. The book is Barry’s first since Cornered, in 2010. In it, he details how Google, Amazon, and Facebook developed the ability to manipulate the flow of news, information, and business in America, and are transforming this power into autocratic systems of control. Barry then details how Americans over the course of two centuries built a “System of Liberty,” and shows how we Americans can put this system to work again today. Pre-order your copy here.
SALLY HUBBARD’S NEW BOOK
MONOPOLIES SUCK 7 Ways Big Corporations Rule Your Life and How to Take Back Control And don’t forget that Simon & Schuster will publish Monopolies Suck by Open Markets Enforcement Director Sally Hubbard on Oct. 27 Pre-order your copy here. 🔎 TIPS? COMMENTS? SUGGESTIONS? We would love to hear from you—just reply to this e-mail and drop us a line. Give us your feedback, alert us to competition policy news, or let us know your favorite story from this issue.
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Written and edited by: Barry Lynn, Michael Bluhm, Daniel A. Hanley, Udit Thakur, and Garphil Julien Image credit: ablokhin via and StockSeller_ukr iStock
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No images? Click here Welcome to The Corner. In this issue, we discuss how the COVID-19 pandemic is devastating news organizations and what we can do about it, we announce the release of our new report on right to repair and our webinar next Tuesday on the topic, and we invite you to join our conference in cooperation with the OECD next Thursday on making systems resilient. To read previous editions of The Corner, click here. The COVID-19 Crisis Means Government Must Act Now to Protect Independent Journalism
The COVID-19 pandemic is accelerating the disintegration of American journalism, especially at the local level. Since the outbreak began, news organizations have laid off more than 28,000 journalists. Local newspapers are projecting that they will lose between 30% and 50% of their revenue, largely because of the disappearance of advertising dollars. To stabilize the industry, a group of organizations led by Free Press sent a letter to Congress requesting that $5 billion in the next COVID-19 relief package go to supporting local journalism. America’s news media certainly deserve government support during this crisis. But COVID-19 is not the root cause of the industry’s economic devastation. The crisis is only exacerbating the core problem caused by Google and Facebook’smonopolization of the market for digital advertising. These two internet behemoths control which advertising gets displayed on news sites, and the two platform monopolists receive the bulk of the revenue from those ads. COVID-19 is simply worsening an already catastrophic financial situation for news organizations. The founders believed that the flow of information to citizens was just as important as the freedom of expression, and they believed that ideas should compete on equal terms without any one entity dominating the flow of news. One of the most essential policies the founders enacted was the 1792 Postal Act, which subsidized newspapers – then the primary mediumof information – through the postal system and rapidly expanded the number of post offices so that every citizen would have access to a post office – and to the news. This vision lasted well into the 20th century, when the government was actively involved in promoting both competition and the spread of information on equal terms. From the 1950s to the 1970s, the Federal Communications Commission enacted several policies to promote these values. For example, in 1953 the commission enacted the National Television Ownership Rules, which prohibited any company from owning more than five TV stations. The commission’s 1970 Financial Interest and Syndication Rules split the largest television networks from the television studios and production houses that produced the networks’ content, so as to prevent any dominant control over the media content broadcast to the public. Each of these policies both limited the dominance that any one communications company could have in one industry and prohibited the companies from leveraging their dominance into other sectors. Huge, dominant corporations are even taking advantage of the pandemic to extend monopolies that would further harm local journalism. Liberty Media, which owns Sirus/XM satellite radio and Live Nation/Ticketmaster event promotion, is in talks with the Department of Justice (DOJ) to acquire a controlling stake in iHeartMedia, one of the country’s largest owners of radio stations and podcasts. Open Markets issued a statement on Tuesday calling on the DOJ to put a stop to any deal between these two conglomerates, because any such deal would almost certainly lead to layoffs of local journalists and the closing of local news radio stations. During this time of crisis, local news is more vital than ever. In addition to using COVID-19 relief packages to provide local news with the same support that we have provided to airlines and other essential business, the time has come for Americans to use their government to structure the market for news and information to ensure the viability of independentlocal journalism. One thing this will mean is getting Google and Facebook out of the business of advertising. Open Markets Releases Report on Right to Repair, Will Co-Host Webinar on April 21 Open Markets Institute on Monday released the report “Fixing America: Breaking Manufacturers’ Aftermarket Monopoly and Restoring Consumers’ Right to Repair,” written by Daniel Hanley, Claire Kelloway, and Sandeep Vaheesan. Open Markets, along with the U.S. Public Interest Research Group (PIRG), will host a webinar on Right to Repair on Tuesday, April 21, from 2-3 p.m. You can register for the webinar here. The report describes how consumers are losing the freedom to fix the products that they buy, such as their cellphones and laptops, because manufacturers are using a wide array of legal tactics, predatory designs, and even lawbreaking to force consumers to use the manufacturers’ repair services. When repair markets are unrestricted, innovation thrives and systems become more adaptable. For example, doctors and others are right now modifying sleep apnea machines to convert them into ventilators, in an effort to save the lives of individuals suffering from the COVID-19 virus. Monopolizing repair allows corporations to extract additional revenue during the lifespans of their products, but this profiteering comes at a larger social cost. Repair restrictions drive up costs for consumers, increase wait times, drive out independent repair shops, produce unnecessary waste, and inhibit broader innovation and self-reliance. For example, John Deere uses software that prevents farmers from repairing the John Deere tractors that the farmers paid for. John Deere is forcing these farmers to pay exorbitant fees to the corporation to approve and fix innocuous repairs such a replacing a sensor or diagnosing a glitch. Monopolized supply chains also lead to a less resilient marketplace. Allowing consumers to repair and modify a product, however, can reverse this situation. Repairability was once a standard and expectation. For example, around the year 1910, automobile wheel rims became detachable from the axle, so car owners could avoid the use of expensive mechanics, who were routinely needed for even minor incidents with an automobile. However, over time, a deadly combination of anemic antitrust enforcement and technological development have allowed manufacturers to adopt exclusionary practices and cut off the tools necessary for repair, in powerful and unprecedented ways. Fortunately, lawmakers, antitrust enforcers, and regulators have many policy mechanisms that can reopen repair markets. Our paper explores the history of repair markets in the United States, the tactics that manufacturers use to restrict repair, the consequences of restricted repair markets, and the antitrust and other legal tools available to crack open cornered repair markets. Read our full report here. Open Markets and OECD to Co-Host Conference on April 23 on Building Resilient Systems for the 21st Century Open Markets Institute and the OECD’s New Approaches to Economic Challenges initiative are convening some of the world’s leading political economic thinkers on Thursday, April 23, to start developing a set of principles and rules that policymakers can use to shock-proof all vital human-made systems. The COVID-19 pandemic has bluntly reminded us of the fragility of some of our most basic human-made systems, so Open Markets and the OECD are hosting this conference to discuss strategies and policies to make our systems more resilient. The immediate goals are to clarify the role played by competition policy in determining industrial structures and to ensure that policymakers fully understand how regulation of competition can affect the stability and resilience of systems. Conference participants include Nobel Prize-winning economist Paul Romer, FTC Commissioner Rohit Chopra, Rep. David Cicilline, and epidemiologist Michael Osterholm, director of the Center for Infectious Disease Research and Policy. You can register to attend the conference here. 🔊 ANTI-MONOPOLY RISING:
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📈 VITAL STAT:$360 billionThe value of the proposed merger of Sabre and Farelogix, which both provide software to airlines for various booking services, among their other products and services. The U.K. Competition Market Authority blocked the merger on April 15. A federal court in the United States approved the merger, but the Department of Justice is appealing the decision. 📚 WHAT WE''RE READING:
Open Markets Employment Opportunities You can find the full job listings here. 🔎 TIPS? COMMENTS? SUGGESTIONS? We would love to hear from you—just reply to this e-mail and drop us a line. Give us your feedback, alert us to competition policy news, or let us know your favorite story from this issue.
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1440 G St NW, Washington, DC 20005 We thought you''d like to be in the know about competition policy news. Liked what you read? Please forward to a friend or colleague.
Written by: Barry Lynn, Phil Longman, Michael Bluhm, and Daniel A. Hanley Edited by: Barry Lynn, Phil Longman, Michael Bluhm, Daniel A. Hanley, and Udit Thakur Image credit: serezniy and golubovy via iStock
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Mya Frazier for The Guardian: “''If one of us gets sick, we all get sick'': the food workers on the coronavirus front line”Washington, DC -- In a very timely and important in-depth article for The Guardian, the Open Markets Institute’s new Fellow Mya Frazier sounds the alarm on how working conditions in food processing facilities across the country endanger thousands of workers As Frazier makes clear, this is especially true during the COVID-19 crisis. At the time of publication, nearly 200 Tyson employees had tested positive for COVID-19, and four had died from complications of the disease. Hundreds of other employees at plants belonging to Smithfield, JBS, and other slaughterhouses have also been infected with the virus. The resulting shutdowns are already resulting in shortages of meat in supermarkets across America. In The Guardian article, Frazier details how chicken processing is considered one of the most hazardous industries in the United States, forcing workers into tight quarters for grueling hours and low wages. Under threat of being fired or fined, scared workers don’t dare miss a day’s work. But as Sophia, a Tyson worker from Arkansas said, “We are all standing close together all the time. … If one of us gets sick, all of us get sick.” Read the full article on our website Mya Frazier is an investigative journalist who writes about regional inequality from the Midwest. A regulator contributor to Bloomberg Businessweek magazine, her work has also appeared on NewYorker.com, Outside, Columbia Journalism Review, The New Republic, Slate, The Atlantic, Harper’s, Aeon, The New York Times, American Demographics, and Columbus Monthly. She is a former staff writer at The Cleveland Plain Dealer, Advertising Age, and American City Business Journals. She has twice been awarded fellowships from the McGraw Center for Business Journalism at the CUNY Graduate School of Journalism. In 2018, she was the recipient of an 11th Hour Food & Farming Fellowship from the UC Berkeley Graduate School of Journalism and an Ohio Arts Council Individual Excellence Award. She is currently at work on a book about the origins of regional inequality and company towns. Open Markets Institute
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This last year has been truly harrowing for all Americans. The Covid-19 crisis has bluntly demonstrated the dangers of monopoly through the shortages of PPE and vital drugs. The pandemic also enabled monopolists like Amazon and Tysons to grow even more threatening. More terrifying yet was the role Google and Facebook played in further disrupting America’s political system. Today is also a time of hope. The Cicilline Committee in Congress has mapped a path towards making the digital economy safe for our democracy; and the states attorneys general forced the Justice Department to file a powerful antitrust case against Google. In both instances, Open Markets helped to light the way. In recent days, our team has also pioneered efforts to ensure the Biden Administration truly stands up to monopoly, to sketch out a new vision for cooperation among democracies, to design health care and food systems that actually work, and to breaking the powers that drive our climate crisis. The year ahead will be hard, but at Open Markets we see this as a moment of true opportunity to drive the real structural change that will empower us to create a more just, fair, and inclusive America. To do that, we need your support. This Giving Tuesday, we’re asking you to donate to Open Markets and help ensure we can make the most of this opportunity to create change. With deep gratitude and solidarity,
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Did someone forward you this newsletter? Photo courtesy of iStock by Getty Images Meatpacking More Dangerous Today Than a Generation Ago, Amplifying COVID-19 Crisis Meatpacking plants have become national hot spots for the novel coronavirus. Of the 25 largest clusters of COVID-19 cases in the United States, six are tied to meat processing plants (the rest are prisons and nursing homes). At least 48 workers have died from the virus, and another 11,000 have been sickened. Despite the ongoing threat to workers, President Donald Trump last Tuesday issued an executive order deeming meat processors essential facilities, allowing the Department of Agriculture (USDA) to reopen plants shuttered due to outbreaks. Since then, at least five plants have reopened; meanwhile, many food and labor advocates have opposed the order and called for greater worker protections. Meatpacking has always been a dirty and dangerous job, but conditions are much worse today than a generation ago. The rise of a business model based on cutting costs and profiting from volume, paired with neoliberal policies of the 1980s that promoted union busting, deregulation, and consolidation, made plants more dangerous and susceptible to a shock like COVID-19. At the same time, workers have less power to advocate for stronger protections. As recently as 1979, meatpacking workers’ wages were roughly $28 per hour, which was 14% more than the national manufacturing average, adjusted for inflation. This was a substantial improvement from the era of Upton Sinclair’s The Jungle, which, not unlike the current industry, was defined by brutal, low-wage work done by a largely immigrant workforce. Historians attribute these wage gains to the rise of unions in the ‘30s and ’40s. Food and labor historian Roger Horowitz says that unions standardized wages across meatpacking and established grievance systems to regulate safety. This helped prevent a competitive race to the bottom among packers. “A shop floor rule of law and standardized wages reduced the pressure on firms to exploit workers to the point of injury,” Horowitz says. “Unionization changed the economics of competition in the industry.” But developments as early as the 1960s began to threaten this dynamic. A new breed of meatpackers, led by Iowa Beef Packers (IBP), introduced a business model that relied on lower-cost, higher-volume production in much larger and mechanized plants with lower-skilled labor. Packers also made a concerted effort to move plants from urban centers to rural areas and to states more hostile to unionization, in order to cut wages. This shift also changed the demographics of meatpacking, as packers recruited a more vulnerable and mobile immigrant workforce that was less likely to know its legal rights or contest mistreatment. Today, two-thirds of meatpacking workers are people of color, and roughly half are immigrants. Policy changes in the 1980s supercharged this harmful meatpacking business model and weakened unions’ ability to influence it. First, President Ronald Reagan ushered in an era of union busting and pro-corporate policy – symbolized by his firing of striking air traffic controllers in 1981 – that substantially weakened union power. Meatpackers began to compete with one another by slashing wages and seeking economies of scale, driving old-guard packers out of business. Packers would close union plants only to reopen them with lower wages and no union contract. In just more than a decade, wages fell from 15% above the national average to 20% below it. This race to the bottom also turned into a race for market share, and permissive merger policy spurred a wave of massive takeovers that consolidated power among a handful of cost-cutting firms. For example, the top four packers controlled just 26% of the beef market in 1976, but by 2002, the top four dominated 85% of the market – and still do today. Absent checks from unions or federal safety regulations, occupational hazards ballooned. From 1980 to 1990, injury rates increased 40%, driven largely by an increase in repetitive motion disorders such as carpal tunnel. Up to 45.5% of meatpacking workers experienced occupational injury or illness in 1991. At the same time, inspections by the Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) fell to an all-time low in the late ‘90s. Conditions continue to deteriorate, as politically powerful packers influence policy to increase processing line speeds, which in turn increase repetitive motions and risk of injury. Poultry line speeds have more than doubled in the past half century, and the USDA recently approved rules that would lift all line speed caps in hog processing, and the agency recently granted waivers to poultry plants to operate at even faster speeds with fewer inspectors. Faster lines naturally bring workers closer together in order to complete the same amount of work in a shorter amount of time, which increases the spread of COVID-19. “The lines run exceedingly fast,” says University of Kansas anthropologist Don Stull, who has studied the meatpacking industry for more than 30 years. “Until you reduce the line speeds, you are not able to ensure social and physical distance between workers.” The predominant meatpacker union, UFCW, has called on the Trump administration to immediately halt all line speed increases and implement social distancing in plants, even if this slows down production. A coalition of 95 food, labor, and environmental organizations led by the Food Chain Workers Alliance also sent a letter to members of Congress and to the Department of Labor urging OSHA to issue and enforce emergency temporary health and safety standards to protect workers from COVID-19. The group also supports a House bill that would direct OSHA to promulgate these rules, and some members of the coalition have directly petitioned OSHA to enact the standards. Find and share this story originally published on Food & Power. What We''re Reading
About the Open Markets InstituteThe Open Markets Institute promotes political, industrial, economic, and environmental resilience. We do so by documenting and clarifying the dangers of extreme consolidation, and by fostering discussions of ways to reestablish America’s political economy on a more stable and fair foundation. Follow F&P on Twitter | Subscribe to this Newsletter | F&P Website | Contact Us Written by Claire Kelloway
Edited by Michael Bluhm and Phil Longman Open Markets Institute 1440 G Street NW Washington D.C., 20005
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No images? Click here Welcome to The Corner. In this issue, we discuss America’s dangerous dependence on offshore manufacturers for generic drugs, in light of the Trump administration’s recent move to boost domestic production. And we shine a light on a rarely mentioned but crucial aspect of the July 29 House hearing with four Big Tech CEOs. The Key Lesson From Congress’ Historic Antitrust Hearings The House Subcommittee on Antitrust, Commercial, and Administrative Law’s hearing on July 29 made clear that lawmakers from both parties have concluded that Google, Amazon, and Facebook are violating U.S. antitrust law and that enforcement must be radically strengthened. The hearings were widely covered, including in lead stories in The New York Times, The Washington Post, and The Wall Street Journal. The Open Markets Institute strongly congratulates Reps. Jerrold Nadler (D-NY) and David Cicilline (D-RI) and their staffs for their groundbreaking work, which will surely provide enforcers with both an incentive to act and with new material on which to base their actions. We at Open Markets do feel it is important to highlight one aspect of the hearings that was not widely covered by the news media. This was the subcommittee’s close focus on the ways that these providers of various essential services engage in dangerous discrimination in their treatment of not only the end customer, but also the citizen as speaker and seller. As Rep. Cicilline put it, each of the corporations acts as a “bottleneck for a key channel of distribution, whether they control access to information or a marketplace.” Each has used its control over vital services to, in Rep. Cicilline’s words, “pick winners and losers, shake down small businesses, and enrich themselves while choking the competitors.” The Open Markets Institute has long made clear that these corporations are gatekeepers and must be treated as such, which means applying various forms of anti-discrimination law to them. Open Markets detailed this in our letter in April to the House subcommittee. You can also read here Open Markets’ demand that the SEC investigate these corporations for failing to fully report to investors the regulatory risks that the corporations face. Trump Plan to Boost U.S. Drug Production Does Little to Reduce Dependence on China President Donald Trump announced on July 28 that the government would loan Eastman Kodak $765 million under the Defense Production Act (DPA). Kodak is to use the loan to begin the domestic manufacturing of pharmaceutical ingredients, with the goal of reducing America’s dependence on imports from other countries, particularly India and China, and to reduce persistent drug shortages. The effort to stimulate domestic production of critical pharmaceutical products is a hugely important goal for U.S. industrial and national security policy. Unfortunately, this one project alone won’t solve the underlying problem, as the new plant will have the capacity to supply only up to 25% of the active pharmaceutical ingredients (API) used annually in the United States. Although the plan moves us in the right direction, it underscores the fact that, six months into the COVID-19 crisis, the United States still does not have coherent policies designed to ensure sufficient, domestically produced supplies of prescription drugs and to ensure U.S. independence from other countries and whatever calamities might befall them. Not only are we just as vulnerable today as in March, but we will be almost as vulnerable five years from now. The problem today is stark. China and India produce 80% of the API in generic drugs sold in the United States. Even though India produces some 40% to 50% of all generics imported into the United States, India depends on China for about 70% of the API in the generic drugs manufactured in India. This dependence on overseas suppliers is partly to blame for shortages of more than 200 drugs and medical supplies, according to a report by the Department of Homeland Security. This concentration of production in China and India creates two problems for the United States. First, it means that the U.S. drug supply can be cut off because of physical or political shocks. Second, it exposes the U.S. to potential coercion by China. The problem dates to policies adopted in the early and mid-1990s, when the Clinton administration and Congress enacted policies that all but encouraged U.S. corporations to shift production to China. In the years since, large drugmakers such as Pfizer, GlaxoSmithKline, Novartis, and others shuttered most of their domestic manufacturing capabilities. No major API production facility has been built in the United States in the last 30 years. The extreme nature of the threat created by this offshoring of chemical production was made clear early this year, when China closed many drug manufacturing facilities as part of its efforts to contain the spread of the coronavirus. Soon thereafter, India imposed strict restrictions on the export of 26 drugs and drug ingredients. Fortunately, China was able reopen its facilities and resume exports. But the threat of closures remains, as India and China are both experiencing a resurgence in COVID-19 cases. Furthermore, if recent tensions in the Himalayas between China and India lead to more conflict, the export of raw chemicals from China to India would almost surely be disrupted, which in turn cut off vital exports to the United States. Thus far, the Trump administration has limited its efforts to combat these supply chain vulnerabilities to loans and other incentives. But other policymakers have introduced plans that offer more extensive, long-term measures to address these vulnerabilities. Sens. Elizabeth Warren (D-MA) and Marco Rubio (R-FL) introduced legislation in June that would direct the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) and the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States to use the tools at their disposal to confront and solve America’s dependence on foreign drug production. Presidential candidate Joe Biden is calling for massive federal investment in U.S. production capabilities. 🔊 ANTI-MONOPOLY RISING:
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📈 VITAL STAT:1.3 millionThe number of documents that the House Subcommittee on Antitrust, Commercial, and Administrative Law has collected from Big Tech corporations as part of its ongoing investigation into their anti-competitive conduct. 📚 WHAT WE''RE READING:
BARRY LYNN’S NEW BOOK
Liberty From All Masters The New American Autocracy vs. The Will of the People St. Martins Press will publish Open Markets Executive Director Barry Lynn’s new book, Liberty From All Masters, on September 29. The book is Barry’s first since Cornered, in 2010. In it, he details how Google, Amazon, and Facebook developed the ability to manipulate the flow of news, information, and business in America, and are transforming this power into autocratic systems of control. Barry then details how Americans over the course of two centuries built a “System of Liberty,” and shows how we Americans can put this system to work again today. Pre-order your copy here. 🔎 TIPS? COMMENTS? SUGGESTIONS? We would love to hear from you—just reply to this e-mail and drop us a line. Give us your feedback, alert us to competition policy news, or let us know your favorite story from this issue.
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1440 G St NW, Washington, DC 20005 We thought you''d like to be in the know about competition policy news. Liked what you read? Please forward to a friend or colleague.
Written by: Barry Lynn, Phil Longman, Michael Bluhm, and Daniel A. Hanley Edited by: Barry Lynn, Phil Longman, Michael Bluhm, Daniel A. Hanley, Udit Thakur, and Garphil Julien Image credit: cb34inc and LaylaBird via iStock
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Open Markets Calls for Ban on Takeovers by Large Corporation and Funds for Duration of Crisis As Congress continues to debate its response to the COVID-19 outbreak, Open Markets Institute released the statement below, calling for an immediate ban on all mergers and acquisitions by any corporation with more than $100 million in annual revenue. Barry Lynn, Sally Hubbard, and Sandeep Vaheesan are available for comment on the topic. If you’d like to coordinate an interview, please contact Carli Kientzle at carli@npstrategygroup.com
The Open Markets Institute calls on Congress, the Trump administration, and federal and state law enforcement agencies to use their various powers to impose an immediate ban on all mergers and acquisitions by any corporation with more than $100 million in annual revenue, and by any financial institution or equity fund with more than $100 million in capitalization. The ban should remain in place for the duration of the present crisis. The immediate reason for this ban is the present inability of the Antitrust Division of the Department of Justice (DOJ), the Federal Trade Commission (FTC), and other competition law enforcement agencies to effectively evaluate mergers, given the semi-closure of government due to the present crisis. According to Politico, the DOJ has already asked for more time to review existing proposals for mergers, even in advance of any potential surge in deals. More fundamentally, the ban is needed to prevent a wholesale concentration of additional power by corporations that already dominate or largely dominate their industries, especially in ways that may significantly worsen the crisis that now threatens America’s health, social, and economic systems. The history of the Panic of 2008 and the subsequent Great Recession instructs us that such a massive, uncontrolled consolidation will result in the unnecessary firing of millions of employees, the unnecessary bankrupting of innumerable independent businesses, a dramatic slowing of innovation in vital industries such as pharmaceuticals, and a further concentration of power and control dangerous both to our democracy and our open commercial systems. [1] Absent an effective ban on takeovers by super-large corporations and investment funds, Americans should expect massive, uncontrolled consolidation throughout our political economy. As has been widely reported, private equity firms and corporations such as Apple sit today atop vast piles of cash, much of which they are ready to deploy immediately on deals. We understand that the proposed size limit is arbitrary in nature. But such simple limits on size and structure have abundant precedents. The $100 million limit we propose is higher than the present $90 million pre-merger notification requirements of the Hart-Scott-Rodino Antitrust Improvements Act of 1976. The $100 million limit is also double one of the key thresholds proposed by Sen. Amy Klobuchar in the Consolidation Prevention and Competition Promotion Act of 2017. This size limit will still allow struggling independent businesses to combine when they feel that is their best option. At the same time, it will help protect viable but struggling medium-sized and smaller businesses from coming under overwhelming pressure to sell out to highly capitalized private equity firms and super-large corporations. Indeed, the ban will immediately buttress incentives for banks and new investors to provide funds to viable but temporarily struggling businesses. Federal regulators can take up review of larger mergers once the health crisis has passed, but they should presume that deals pursued by corporations with more than $100 million in annual revenue, and by financial institutions or equity funds with more than $100 million in capitalization, are anti-competitive unless proven otherwise. Meanwhile, Congress should make any corporate bailouts conditional on not buying competitors. We believe these measures are also merited because of the role concentration has played in undermining our public health, industrial, and financial systems in ways that have dramatically contributed to the COVID-19 crisis. In recent years, for instance, monopolists have used their power in ways that resulted in sharp cuts in the number of hospital beds and ICU facilities, and in the offshoring and degradation of many of the systems we rely on for the production of face masks, testing materials, pharmaceuticals, and other prophylactic devices. To make sure such a ban does not result in unnecessary disruption for workers, consumers, or others who depend on companies in immediate threat of closure, Congress and the Trump administration must provide viable but ailing firms with practical alternatives to selling out, both through direct government funding and the careful restructuring of private credit markets. Encouragingly, a number of proposed provisions within the bailout bill now under debate would offer various forms of permanent or temporary relief to firms in distress. We believe such a temporary ban on takeovers by larger corporations and investment funds will immediately help to:
[1] One apt case to study is the $68 billion merger of Pfizer and Wyeth in early 2009, which was floated with some $22 billion in taxpayer dollars funneled through Citibank, Goldman Sachs, and Bank of America. The effects of this deal included: the immediate firing of 19,000 employees, a figure that by 2013 had risen to 37,000; the gutting of investment in research and development, with Pfizer cutting R&D spending from $11.3 billion to $6.5 billion and slashing the number of staff chemists from 1,250 to some 850; and higher prices for drugs, at a time when drug prices were already outrageously high.
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Please join Open Markets, The American Prospect, United for Respect, and Change to Win for a virtual event on Tuesday, June 2nd.
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Last week, President Trump issued an executive order concerning a little-known legal provision with massive implications for the internet: Section 230 of the Telecommunications Act of 1996, which shields "interactive computer services" from liability for the third-party content on their websites. Although the order does not change the law in any way, both Joe Biden and Nancy Pelosi have called for Congress to revisit the protections that the law provides.
A central question is whether Facebook and Google should continue to enjoy Section 230''s legal protections. These two corporations, which dominate digital advertising markets, generate enormous profits from amplifying dangerous, false, and addictive content on their platforms, then placing advertising alongside it. Are changes to Section 230 warranted? If so, how might these changes protect free expression?
Join the American Economic Liberties Project and The American Prospect on Wednesday, June 10 at 11am ET for a conversation about how we can change Section 230 to make Facebook and Google safer for our democracy.
We''re pleased to feature a conversation between Economic Liberties'' Executive Director Sarah Miller and Representative Jan Schakowsky (D-Ill.), who serves as Chair of the House Subcommittee on Consumer Protection and Commerce and who is drafting legislation to limit Section 230's protections for big tech. Following their remarks, we''ll hear from Karen Kornbluh, Senior Fellow and Director of the Digital Innovation and Democracy Initiative at the German Marshall Fund of the United States, who will discuss the issue with Economic Liberties' Research Director Matt Stoller and the American Prospect's Executive Editor David Dayen.
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Read Economic Liberties' "Addressing Facebook and Google's Harms Through a Regulated Competition Approach" here.
Read the German Marshall Fund's "Safeguarding Digital Democracy" here.
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No images? Click here Welcome to The Corner. In this issue, we discuss a new report that Amazon is exploiting its gatekeeper position to take other companies’ businesses, and we discuss the Open Markets proposal to use anti-monopoly law to address the COVID-19 crisis within America’s dangerously consolidated meatpacking industry. To read previous editions of The Corner, click here. Pressure on Amazon Grows During the Pandemic The House subcommittee investigating Amazon has called Amazon CEO Jeff Bezos to testify, after The Wall Street Journal revealed that Amazon had been abusing its dominant gatekeeper position to steer business away from independent sellers to Amazon-branded products. Open Markets has long criticized the threats of Amazon’s position as both marketplace and seller, a critique detailed last month in testimony given to a Senate subcommittee by Open Markets’ Director of Enforcement Strategy Sally Hubbard. According to the Journal, 20 former employees confirmed that Amazon routinely exploited its dominant position to harvest data from third-party sellers on Amazon’s platform. According to the report, the corporation then used the data to determine the most efficient pricing for products, as well as to analyze the strongest and weakest features of competitors’ products and to analyze which markets Amazon should enter or avoid. Not only do these practices allow Amazon to eliminate competitors from lucrative product markets, the Journal reported, but the practices also stymie competition by deterring market entry by rivals afraid of having their products copied by Amazon. The revelations about Amazon’s use of data to target other people''s businesses would directly contradict Congressional testimony by Amazon’s associate general counsel, Nate Sutton. A bipartisan group of members of the the House Judiciary Subcommittee on Antitrust, Commercial, and Administrative Law sent a sharply worded letter to Bezos demanding that he testify in person to address these potentially “criminally false or perjurious” misrepresentations by Sutton. Hubbard, in testimony in March to the Senate Judiciary Subcommittee on Antitrust, Competition Policy and Consumer Rights, wrote at length about the danger that Amazon and other platform monopolists could abuse their dominant positions to promote their own interests over those of their customers, who depend on Amazon’s services. Hubbard presented many of the remedies that Open Markets has long advocated to address these monopolies. These include common carrier law and structural separation, a historically important remedy that would prohibit technology platforms from competing in multiple markets that they can manipulate in their favor. The House demand that Bezos testify came as labor groups stepped up their efforts against Amazon’s business practices. Labor groups staged a protest on April 30 in front of Bezos’ D.C. home to demand that the corporation take actions to better protect employees against COVID-19. In solidarity with hundreds of thousands of workers nationwide, many employees from Amazon went on a one-day strike on May 1 to demand sick time, protective equipment, and increased transparency about COVID-19 cases in their facilities.
The House Judiciary letter to Jeff Bezos is here. Hubbard’s letter to the House subcommittee can be viewed here. Hubbard’s Senate subcommittee testimony can be viewed here. The Senate subcommittee hearing featuring Hubbard can be watched here. Restructuring America’s Meatpacking Industry
Two weeks ago, President Trump classified meatpacking plants as essential infrastructure under the Defense Production Act. Meatpacking plants have suffered large outbreaks of COVID-19 among workers, and the White House depicted the move as an effort to ensure a steady supply of meat to American eaters. Open Markets Institute responded quickly, saying that the executive order fails to address the real issues threatening the industry, which are that meat processing has been concentrated in too few facilities and that these facilities do not adequately protect workers. Open Markets on May 1 published a proposal, signed by 14 leading food and agricultural organizations, to solve the problems of consolidation that drive the crisis in the industry. Our proposal calls for the executive order to be repealed, because the administration and law enforcement agencies can use existing anti-monopoly authority to address the issue. Agricultural industry mergers should be blocked, and past mergers resulting in market concentrations of more than 10% should be reversed. Executive agencies should enforce the Packers and Stockyards Act, and the USDA should reinstate the Grain Inspection, Packers and Stockyards Administration. Additionally, the USDA should revoke all line speed increases put in place under the New Poultry and Pork Inspection Programs and related waivers. This would lead to better labor conditions for workers and food safety inspectors.
Open Markets’ proposal can be read here. 🔊 ANTI-MONOPOLY RISING:
The Open Markets Institute and a coalition of public interest groups and scholars wrote a letter to the Department of Justice Antitrust Division last July, to lay out the potential public harms posed by this merger and to urge the DOJ to block the merger. 📝 WHAT WE''VE BEEN UP TO:
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📈 VITAL STAT:$62 billionThe value of the Allergan’s acquisition by AbbVie, which was recently approved by the Federal Trade Commission. 📚 WHAT WE''RE READING:
Open Markets Employment Opportunities You can find the full job listings here. 🔎 TIPS? COMMENTS? SUGGESTIONS? We would love to hear from you—just reply to this e-mail and drop us a line. Give us your feedback, alert us to competition policy news, or let us know your favorite story from this issue.
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Written by: Barry Lynn and Phil Longman Edited by: Barry Lynn, Phil Longman, Michael Bluhm, Daniel A. Hanley, and Udit Thakur Image credit: jetcityimage and asikkk via iStock
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Did someone forward you this newsletter? Photo courtesy of iStock by Getty Images USDA Pilot Exposes SNAP Users to Surveillance and Predatory Marketing, Study Finds States have scrambled to expand a U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) pilot allowing recipients of food stamps (known formally as the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, or SNAP) to buy groceries online to avoid exposure to COVID-19. However, a recent report by the Center for Digital Democracy (CDD) finds that monopolist online retailers, most prominently Walmart and Amazon’s online retail arms, are surveilling and targeting SNAP users with manipulative advertising to push unhealthy foods, induce impulsive purchases, and increase overall spending. While these personalized and predatory marketing techniques increasingly influence all e-commerce shoppers, CDD and civil rights groups such as Color of Change and UnidosUS argue that targeted ads and data collection have disproportionate and potentially discriminatory impacts on the low-income communities and people of color who participate in SNAP.
Read the full story published in The American Prospect, here.
About the Open Markets InstituteThe Open Markets Institute promotes political, industrial, economic, and environmental resilience. We do so by documenting and clarifying the dangers of extreme consolidation, and by fostering discussions of ways to reestablish America’s political economy on a more stable and fair foundation. Follow F&P on Twitter | Subscribe to this Newsletter | F&P Website | Contact Us Written by Claire Kelloway.
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The economic response to the COVID-19 crisis has illuminated the many ways our economy is set up to reinforce corporate power. While the Federal Reserve was eager and able to quickly support Wall Street and large corporations, smaller businesses have been forced to navigate an atrophied Small Business Administration, working through a consolidated banking sector, to access available relief. The result has been a soaring stock market, buoyed by the Fed's no-strings-attached commitment to buying corporate debt, on the one hand, while smaller businesses remain in a state of precarity, with small businesses owned by people of color disproportionately excluded from support, on the other.
This "tale of two bailouts" reveals both a structural inability and, in the case of the Fed, indifference, to robustly and equitably assist small businesses and the jobs and communities they support. As COVID-19 and our leaders' responses to it continue to transform our economy, policymakers and advocates must rethink the ways that public institutions are contributing to consolidated corporate power - not just through their actions, but by design.
Join the American Economic Liberties Project on Friday, June 19th at 1:00 PM for a conversation between Congresswoman Katie Porter (D-Calif.), who sits on the House Financial Services Committee and has demanded better oversight of the coronavirus bailouts, and Economic Liberties'' Executive Director Sarah Miller.
After that, we'll hear from the Honorable Sarah Bloom Raskin, former Deputy Secretary of the Treasury and Governor of the Federal Reserve Board, Mehrsa Baradaran, Professor of Law at the University of California, Irvine, Sam Long, a Boston-based small business investor, and Graham Steele, Senior Fellow at Economic Liberties and director of the Corporations and Society Initiative at Stanford Graduate School of Business.
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Open Markets Institute, along with the Washington Monthly and the LOWN Institute, want to invite you to the first in a two-part panel series focused on how concentration in the American hospital sector is creating a crisis in care quality.Best Hospitals for AmericaTuesday, July 14 at 1 p.m. Eastern Panelists Include: Vikas Saini, MD, president of the Lown Institute (data partner of the Washington Monthly) Kate Walsh, president and CEO of the Boston Medical Center (BMC is ranked #2 on WM’s Best Safety Net Hospitals for America list, #4 on the Best Major Teaching Hospitals for America list, and #10 on our overall top 20 Best Hospitals for America list) Paul Glastris, editor in chief of the Washington Monthly, co-author of the book The Other College Guide, and editor of the e-book Elephant in the Room: Washington in the Bush Years Moderator: Philip Longman, policy director at Open Markets Institute, author of “Hidden Charges,” and co-author of “An Epidemic of Greed” in this special issue of Washington Monthly
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On July 7, the Washington Monthly magazine released its inaugural “Best Hospitals for America” ranking, which measures individual hospitals on how well they save lives, save money, and serve everyone – especially low-income and minority populations within their communities. The Best Hospitals for America ranking measures hospitals by quality of care, but also by two other metrics no other ranking system has ever used. The first is civic leadership, and the second metric is value of care. The Monthly’s different approach yields radically different results from the U.S. News top 20. Join us for an in-depth discussion with the creators of this new hospital ranking about why their methodology gives us a more accurate picture of hospital quality on what matters most: taking in a diverse patient population, healing those patients, and not overtreating them.
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Did someone forward you this newsletter? Photo courtesy of iStock by Getty Images Food Worker Organizations File USDA Civil Rights Complaint Against Meatpackers for Exposing Workers of Color to COVID-19 Last week, a group of organizations representing meatpacking workers filed a civil rights complaint with the USDA against dominant meatpackers. The Title VI Civil Rights Act complaint alleges that Tyson Foods’ and JBS’s response to COVID-19 had a disproportionately harmful, disparate impact on their employees of color. The corporations rejected guidance from the Centers for Disease Control (CDC) and Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) to limit the spread of COVID-19 among frontline plant workers, who are predominantly Latino, Black, and Asian, while the predominantly white managers at these corporations were able to work from home or social distance and did not face the same risks, the complaint says. The filing comes after more than 120 organizations, including several of the complainants, targeted Tyson Foods with letters and petitions to improve worker protections. Tyson plants are tied to the largest number of reported COVID-19 outbreaks among meatpackers, with more than 8,800 associated cases. Advocates also called for longer-term reforms to deconcentrate large meatpackers’ power. “This degree of exploitation is only possible because of the consolidation of the industry,” said Navina Khanna, executive director of the HEAL Food Alliance, in a statement. “A handful of companies control a majority of the market, and they are literally writing the rules around worker protections.” COVID-19 cases among meatpacking and food plant workers continue to climb, up from 10,000 cases in early May to more than 40,000 today. Almost all those harmed are people of color: 87% of meatpacking workers who have contracted COVID-19 identified as Latino, Black, or Asian, according to CDC data released last week. Meatpacking workers spend long hours working shoulder to shoulder indoors, which puts them at exceptional risk of contracting and spreading COVID-19. Decades of union busting, corporate consolidation, and deregulation have also exacerbated safety hazards in meatpacking plants, including increased line speeds and putting workers closer together. A Tyson spokesperson told Food & Power that “our top priority is the health and safety of all our team members, their families, and the communities where our plants are located. We’ve transformed the way our plants operate to protect our team members.” Tyson and JBS have implemented symptom checks, increased sanitation, mandatory face coverings, and plexiglass barriers in their plants, among other changes. Tyson also conducted plantwide testing at some locations. But few plants have reconfigured for a minimum of six feet between workers, because this requires slowing the line or decreasing processing capacity, which hurts the corporations’ bottom lines. Of the plants that recently reported information to the CDC, none mandated six feet of space between workers on the line. However, that could change, thanks to a recent executive order in Michigan mandating social distancing in plants and a bill introduced in the House mandating slower line speeds. In addition, packers offer insufficient paid sick leave or have punitive attendance policies that discourage workers from taking time off, pushing them to work while sick or recovering. The complaint, filed by Public Justice on behalf of six organizations representing food chain workers and allied causes, alleges that Tyson Foods and JBS reacted to COVID-19 in ways that disproportionately put their employees of color at risk, violating the Civil Rights Act of 1964’s provision barring “programs and activities” that receive federal funds from discriminating on the basis of race, color, or country of origin. Tyson and JBS together have received more than $150 million in USDA contracts in 2020. The corporations rejected social distancing and other federally recommended safety guidelines to protect workers on the slaughterhouse floor, the complaint says. People of color are overrepresented on the processing line; 70% of frontline meatpacking workers are Latino, Black, or Asian, compared to about 29% of all U.S workers. At the same time, predominantly white managers for Tyson and JBS were able to work from home, practice social distancing, and receive protective equipment. The complaint found that 58% of JBS salaried employees and 73% of Tyson salaried employees were white, compared to 63% of all U.S. workers. “Tyson and JBS have both created the conditions for people to feel like it’s OK to hire people of color to do specific jobs versus hiring white people to do a completely different set of jobs,” Jose Oliva, campaign director for the HEAL Food Alliance, told Food & Power. “That is discrimination; that is exactly how you create the conditions for treating people of color differently without explicitly saying it.” Oliva also adds that the systemic racism that limits opportunities for people of color drives such demographic disparities in the meatpacking workforce. In addition to safety disparities among largely white managers and largely Black and Brown frontline workers, the complaint points to recent CDC findings that meatpacking workers of color are both more likely to contract COVID-19 and more likely to die or become hospitalized, compared to white meatpacking workers. Of the meatpacking workers in 21 states that recently shared data with the CDC, nearly 40% were white, 30% were Latino, 25% were Black, and 6% were Asian. However, Latino meatpacking workers represented 56% of all reported COVID-19 cases, while white workers represented 13% of cases, Black workers 19%, and Asian workers 12%. These findings suggest that Latino and Asian workers made up a disproportionate number of meatpacking COVID-19 cases. Meanwhile, Black and Latino people are nearly five times more likely to be hospitalized for COVID-19 complications than white people, according to the CDC. Leading up to the filing, more than 120 organizations, including several of the complainants, signed a letter sent to Tyson’s largest shareholders, urging the corporation to implement stronger safety protections including paid leave, daily testing, personal protective equipment, and physical distancing within plants operating at slower speeds. Oliva says coalition members have heard from at least one of Tyson’s major shareholders, AQR Capital Management, which expressed interest in the coalition’s concerns. Organizations also stood behind the Arkansas-based poultry workers’ organization Venceremos in its effort to have the governor of Arkansas close all poultry plants where workers have tested positive for COVID-19. Finally, several participants urged the Senate to pass the Heroes Act, which would mandate emergency safety standards for essential workers. Oliva says this is important because meatpacking workers report highly varied protections among plants. In the long term, Oliva said that HEAL also wants to see policies that deconcentrate dominant meatpackers’ economic, political, and socio-cultural power over workers and policymakers. “They need to be broken up,” he says. Disclosure: The Open Markets Institute signed the letter to Tyson shareholders. Find and share this story originally published on Food & Power. What We''re Reading
About the Open Markets InstituteThe Open Markets Institute promotes political, industrial, economic, and environmental resilience. We do so by documenting and clarifying the dangers of extreme consolidation, and by fostering discussions of ways to reestablish America’s political economy on a more stable and fair foundation. Follow F&P on Twitter | Subscribe to this Newsletter | F&P Website | Contact Us Written by Claire Kelloway
Edited by Michael Bluhm and Phil Longman Open Markets Institute 1440 G Street NW Washington D.C., 20005
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Please join Open Markets and the OECD for a virtual event on Wednesday, April 23rd as we explore what''s next.
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No images? Click here Welcome to The Corner. In this issue, we introduce a groundbreaking study that details how U.S. hospitals fail their communities, as Open Markets’ scholars helped lead the research that produced these surprising and disturbing findings. To read previous editions of The Corner, click here. America’s Hospital Monopolists Fail Their Communities at a Time of Crisis, Groundbreaking Report Shows Latino and African-Americans living in the United States are twice as likely as their white counterparts to die from the coronavirus, according to federal data published by The New York Times this week. Experts point to factors such as the disproportionate risk of infection borne by people who work in service and production jobs that cannot be done from the safety of one’s home. Yet it isn’t just differences in living or working conditions that make some demographic groups far more vulnerable to COVID-19 and other illnesses. A very large role is also played by the spread of corporate medical monopolies that put the pursuit of fatter margins – and fatter executive paychecks – above commitment to serving their broader communities. Those are the conclusions of a special issue of the Washington Monthly published on Tuesday, with a strong contribution from the Open Markets Institute. The issue contains a Best Hospitals for America ranking that, for the first time, measures the nation’s hospitals not just according to how effectively they treat patients, but also according to how many people they serve in their surrounding communities. And it turns out that, by this measure, many of America’s richest, most powerful hospitals are performing terribly. Though chartered as tax-exempt, nonprofit charitable institutions, they today barely serve low-income and minority populations within their communities, having morphed into monopolistic corporations focused on lucrative luxury care for the well-the-do. The report features key contributions by Open Markets Institute Policy Director Phillip Longman and Research Associate Udit Thakur. The two co-authored a case study on the University of Pittsburgh Medical Center, showing how it grew from an academic institution renowned for inventing the polio vaccine into a predatory monopolist that bought out rival hospitals and denied care to those who refused to buy its health insurance products. UPMC’s culture is now so driven to maximize revenue that when the pandemic first hit western Pennsylvania, UPMC risked spreading the coronavirus throughout its facilities by defying orders from public health officials to stop performing lucrative elective surgeries. UPMC President and CEO Jeffrey Romoff, who has said he seeks to make UPMC “the Amazon of health care,” took home $8.54 million in 2018, while 33 other executives each took home more than $1 million. Longman also contributed an article that shows how hospitals use their increasing monopoly power to engage in price discrimination, charging different, secret prices for treating different patients according to their relative market power. Making prices transparent, as the Trump administration has ordered, will help, says Longman, but not so much as long as hospitals remain local monopolies. The ultimate answer, he argues, is to outlaw price discrimination in health and make all prices uniform, as all other advanced nations do. 🔊 ANTI-MONOPOLY RISING:
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Written by: Barry Lynn and Phil Longman Edited by: Barry Lynn, Phil Longman, Michael Bluhm, Daniel A. Hanley, Udit Thakur, and Garphil Julien Image credit: Arkadiusz Warguła via iStock
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Open Markets Institute invites you to the second in a two-part panel series focused on how concentration in the American hospital sector is creating a crisis in care quality.Building a Truly ‘Public’ Health Care SystemThursday, August 6 at 1 p.m. EDT Panelists Include: Shannon Brownlee, senior vice president, Lown Institute; author of Overtreated: Why Too Much Medicine is Making Us Sicker and Poorer Udit Thakur, research associate, Open Markets Institute; co-author of “An Epidemic of Greed” in the July special issue of Washington Monthly; labor and public-interest organizer Kavita Patel, practicing primary care physician and nonresident fellow, Brookings Institution; former director of policy for the Office of Intergovernmental Affairs and Public Engagement, Obama administration Moderator: Phillip Longman, policy director at Open Markets Institute; co-author of “An Epidemic of Greed” in the July special issue of Washington Monthly; author of Best Care Anywhere: Why VA Health Care is Better than Yours
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The U.S. health care system is increasingly dominated by monopolistic corporations. They own and operate most of our local health care delivery systems, including hospitals and doctors’ practices. These giant platforms also control many of the local markets for health insurance, giving them the ability to operate as both providers and purchasers of health care. As this concentration of corporate power increases, physicians, nurses, and other frontline health care professionals find their working conditions deteriorating, as they are forced to maximize corporate margins at the expense of patients and their social mission. Please join us for a conversation about the potential for a new mass movement of patient-activists and mission-driven providers dedicated to making sure that those who control our health care system serve the public interest.
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No images? Click here Welcome to The Corner. In this issue, we examine the European Commission’s newly announced investigation into potentially anti-competitive practices by Apple. To read previous editions of The Corner, click here. Apple Investigations Offer EU a Chance to Get Competition Policy Right The European Commission’s two new investigations into how Apple manages its app store and its Apple Pay feature open an important new front in the fight against anti-competitive behavior in online markets. Apple has long exploited its gatekeeper position over a vast swath of wireless services to promote its own products in the app store, to force third parties to use Apples’s in-app payment system, and to collect a 30% commission on certain types of sales within the app system. Furthermore, in the second investigation, the company has limited the ability of banks and other third parties to use Apple’s Near Field Communication (NFC) technology to offer their apps for mobile payment. Unfortunately, the commission once again appears to be going into battle with a large U.S. tech corporation without tools sufficiently powerful to actually change that corporation’s behavior. In recent years, the commission has repeatedly chosen to fine large tech corporations for violating European law, while largely setting aside any threat to break them up or otherwise restructure their operations. EU Competition Commissioner Margrethe Vestager admitted this in a hearing in October 2019, saying “Fines are not doing the trick. And fines are not enough because fines are a punishment for illegal behavior in the past.” Despite noting the inadequacy of fines, Vestager is also on record rejecting structural breakups as a solution: “We don''t have a problem that big where breaking up could be the solution,” she said at a conference in Lisbon in November 2019. As a result, the commission has racked up an impressive list of actions against Google and other corporations in recent years, but many of these corporations have largely continued to engage in the anti-competitive practices similar to those that first attracted the attention of law enforcers. For example, in 2017 the commission fined Google $2.73 billion for favoring its own services in search results for online shopping. Then in July 2018, the commission fined Google $5.1 billion for abusing its market dominance by forcing phone manufacturers to install Google products such as its browser, search engine, maps, and app store Google Play. In that case, the commission also ordered Google to stop forcing manufactures to install its products. Two years later, however, those actions have done little or nothing to reduce Google’s overall power on the internet or to alter its behavior. Google still enjoys “enormous market power. For years, Google, in particular, has biased its results to serve its interests and leverage its power to entrench it further and hurt consumers in the process,” said Yelp Senior Vice President Luther Lowe at a hearing in March before the Senate Subcommittee on Antitrust, Competition Policy and Consumer Rights. Additionally, the fines did nothing to address Google’s monopolies over the markets for search and mobile operating systems (OS). Google has a roughly 86% global market share in search and a 77% market share of the search ad market. Google’s Android has a 74% share in the mobile OS market. “Even multibillion-dollar fines don''t cause tech giants enough pain to stop bad behavior. For Big Tech, fines are a rational cost of doing business,” wrote Open Markets Enforcement Director Sally Hubbard in an op-ed piece for CNN last year. The time has clearly come for the commission – and other competition agencies around the world – to take a more aggressive approach to put a stop to these practices by the platform monopolists, including common carrier regulations, interoperability, and structural separation, .
Some policymakers and law enforcers are beginning to move in this direction. German lawmakers passed legislation that could allow other companies to use the iPhone''s NFC technology to offer mobile payment options on their own apps. This is an example of common carrier legislation and something that governments – especially the government in Washington – should adopt. 🔊 ANTI-MONOPOLY RISING:
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📈 VITAL STAT:40 monthsThe duration of the prison sentence for the CEO of Bumble Bee Foods for fixing the price of canned tuna. 📚 WHAT WE''RE READING:
Open Markets Employment Opportunities You can find the full job listings here. 🔎 TIPS? COMMENTS? SUGGESTIONS? We would love to hear from you—just reply to this e-mail and drop us a line. Give us your feedback, alert us to competition policy news, or let us know your favorite story from this issue.
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1440 G St NW, Washington, DC 20005 We thought you''d like to be in the know about competition policy news. Liked what you read? Please forward to a friend or colleague.
Written by: Barry Lynn and Phil Longman Edited by: Barry Lynn, Phil Longman, Michael Bluhm, Daniel A. Hanley, Udit Thakur, and Garphil Julien Image credit: Easyturn and pressureUA via iStock
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